Bloodthirsty Firing Squads

 Jamil Mohammadijald

Translated into English by
A. Ernesto
Copyright © 2012 by … Press
All rights reserved; no part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form, without permission in writing from the publisher.
First published in English 2012
Bloodthirsty Firing Squads
Jamil Mohammadi
Translated into English by A. Ernesto.
Includes index and the pictures of an execution by forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Cover photo: Sylvia
Cover design: Emily

To the ones whatever they want,
want for all.

This book does not have a convoluted narrative of its own; however, I would like to thank a few friends of mine who reminded me their own noteworthy offers in translating it into English. Paying attention to such remarkable notes, they will deserve recognition for their talents. As mentioning their names might render them difficulties, it is better to remain unknown.


Acknowledgement 6
Preface 9
Introduction: Kurdistan, Rising Tension and Backgrounds
of Sociopolitical Activities 11
Bloodthirsty Firing Squad 
A Prologue 47
To My Daughter, Sana 49
Talking about Love 52
Introduction 55
Sanandaj Garrison 60
August 19th, 1979 Khomeini’s Calling for Attacking Kurdistan 73
Transferring from Sanandaj Garrison 87
Airport of Sanandaj 93
Investigation 102
House of Detention 105
Show Trials 109
Fusillade 117
Setting Free from Prison 125
Talks to Families Experienced Such A Tragedy  137
Endnotes 142
Flash points 146
Name Index 157
Subject Index 162


This autobiography consists of a short significant historical wartime episode, in Kurdistan, Iran, in which not only many innocent people were executed, but also thousands of them became homeless and their properties were ruined to the ground. The autobiographer narrates the most crucial moments in which people were all anxiously adrift. He has also elaborated on his co-prisoners’ remarkable animate expectations to see another morning again, but their hopes were shattered in their astonishment; in fact, they found no opportunity to taste the joys of freedom once more.
   However, Mohammadi’s report reflects many dimensions of the episode that make it possible for everyone to observe the scene in details. The report fulfills the needs for a transparent overview of the catastrophe which encompasses both the way they were captured and were put on trial. The autobiographer himself was one of the prisoners who experienced the mentioned event. Furthermore, narrating an account of his experience, he has been able to draw a picture and tell the world his co-prisoners were a few innocent individuals who waited for everything except death.
   Aside from the mentioned narration by the autobiographer, you are represented an introduction mostly on the background caused raising tension in Kurdistan by me as the translator of the mentioned autobiography. Doubtlessly,  such  a  tension,  in  the  area,  is  to  be  
studied in different views with distinct approaches and also according to various historical, social and political attitudes. Although, the points you are represented lack a profound elaboration on the nature of the howness of confrontation with the Islamic Republic and provide a short glance of the case, it is enough to draw a picture for those who want to have a preliminary figure.
   I have confined the scope of my elaboration on a gap the Islamic Republic was too powerless to rule over the area and the revolutionists found an opportunity to take actions fit for the occasion. Considering such remarks, the readers are provided a background to a condition both prevailed in the area at that time and led a movement which influenced the next steps and opened new ways to people to have an interaction to bring in line real activities. In fact, the point is to be elaborating on such a condition through which people experienced real freedom accompany with their real strugglers.
A. Ernesto

Kurdistan: Rising Tension and Backgrounds of
Sociopolitical Activities
Preliminary Remarks
The thematic focus of this short but elaborative note is on the backgrounds caused rising tension and its consequences in Kurdistan, Iran. Whatness of such a tension, doubtlessly, goes back to both geographical position and the socioeconomic condition in which people were obliged to take actions against their will on one hand and howness of it depends on potential rate decisive enough to influence political orientations on the other. A great number of historical backgrounds, the de facto propounding of resurgence of liberation movement, anticipating a future based on such an evaluation, and, the foremost strategy among them, public assistance acted as a flag to attract the Islamic Republic’s attention to establish its specific plundering contacts with; namely, to occupy it.
   Methods of accomplishing such re¬lationships depended on the interaction each side expected; accordingly, this not long interpretation elaborates on an interval between the downfall of the royal family and ruling of the Islamic Republic as its ensuing successor in Kurdistan. Especially important is the way the regime could stabilize itself in Iran; Kurdistan, in which political circumstance was different from any other parts of the country, got a 
particular importance for the new rulers. Having planned to occupy it, Kurdistan was raided by the regime and it could conquer such a remarkable territory consequently.
   To oppose the enemy a Resistance Movement appeared. Such a resistance is divided into two main phases according to two kinds of confrontations with the occupiers: the First Resistance Movement and the Second Resistance Movement. In comparison with elaborating and clarifying the dire and melodious consequences, the interval between the two mentioned movements has remained untold. Correspondingly, this paper seeks to argue that how these movements were promoted to such a degree that the interval between them is reckoned as a starting point from which Kurdistan found itself dissimilar to any other stages. To put planks over such an argument, the part played by the lefts  on one hand and the part played by the people on the other are highlighted; the most important point is the fact that such a confrontation was not specific to intellectuals, rather ordinary people showed their best in a cooperative effort accompany with their real leaders.
   Confrontation against the tyrant regime gave raise to such a condition that struggling was not limited to armed struggle, rather it upgraded to other sociopolitical circumstances of its pattern is rare in the world. To bring such a particularity to light requires a reinvestigation of the interval between the two mentioned movements; oddly enough to be elaborated on is a collective effort by the masses.
   Notwithstanding the fact that Eastern Kurdistan geographically and historically has experienced different stages in different periods of time, this elaboration is specific to the part people sought to have their own ways of life. Such an elaboration needs to consider both the facts and the howness of interaction analysis of social mobility, political measures and competitions; internal and external factors would be elaborated as far as possible. However, it was impossible for me to elude the political entanglements; accordingly elaborating on the historical backgrounds opens a view to what the readers are represented.

Historical Backgrounds
As it was mentioned earlier, geographical position and the socioeconomic condition led the Islamic Republic of Iran to take various kinds of measure of plundering toward Kurdistan located on the eastern bordering areas of the country. In the light of presented circumstances, such a mentioned area, with its particular historical backgrounds of struggling for political independence and autonomy by various political leanings and orientations, was going to experience new social conditions that the nouveau regime sought to nip every struggle in the bud. The most important point is the fact that such an attempt is a historical approach among the Kurds. Consequently, the dynamics of constituent parts of society such as social and political institutions and communities led it to take measures fit for the occasions.
   None of the previous regimes had taken socioeconomic conditions into their considerations. Consequently, Kurdistan had not experienced such breakthroughs. A form of feudalism was felt then and relics of such a feudal system were playing its part as a stronghold on one hand and glittering of modernization was bewildering everyone on the other. Nonetheless, urban developments were growing up; urban growth had become a forced take-off. In the meantime, the governors were imposed such a process and a growing trend toward modernization was challenging every socio-economic formation. Society was paving the way for modern capitalism; threshold of construction of modern social realities.
   Neither now nor at that time is this nation compared with industrial and developing nations; however, a comparative approach is possible if one would take such an approach. Whatever it is and wherever it has been located, it has its own social stratification; modernization gave rise such a stratification to a higher level. In spite of the fact that Kurdish people have been undergoing unpleasant conditions and have been suffered pain by national oppression, the low class, and the overwhelming majority of people suffered by a doubled oppression: national oppression and class oppression.
   Social stratification was the most binding and central concern of the society when the new government got the power in Iran. Social inequality, the hidden basis of the entire social structure, in such a historical period and in a rather different context, indicates the mentioned class distinction and manifests, or, better to say shows clearly, class antagonism. Inequality in distribution of capital among both the whole society and the capitalists at such a moment of truth led the low class to share a more serious revolutionary movement. Therefore, a national movement and a working class struggle were raised both to improve the geographical fatalism and create the means for promotion of equity and social justice.
   Condition of existence led the lefts to take measures in an impressive display of stamina. The unusual status had them take two kinds of interactions: confrontation with problematic situational contexts and battle against repressive state of apparatuses of the despotic regime. Every element, optional or compulsory, led people to be responsible for such a civil defense. That is why Kurdistan experienced a glorious period full of energy to do what they wished and see future opening before them although it was closed later. A great effort was made by them to attain the best as far as possible. To be successful, ordinary people relied on their leaders and paved the way for the most important political forces. Public patronage and responsible citizenry caused the lefts to find themselves in a trustworthy condition although it was somehow tensive.
   Such an enthusiastic socialistic presence let the lefts to have their own ways of struggling significantly, although everything seemed new and none of them had experienced such a process before. In reality, they had found themselves in front of a historical movement and an accomplished fact was going to challenge them; how they could face with the problems and what their programs would be seemed complex. They knew nothing about the degree of their difficulties; difficulty factors were unidentified; and no one knew to what extent difficulty levels would arise. To bring such alienation to light requires a reinvestigation of the movement, its phases, and strategic methods taken by the lefts.

Strategic Approaches Taken by the Lefts in Kurdistan
The time people encounter something unexpected or experience an unforeseen condition for the first time, it is impossible for them to understand such an anomaly. Consequently, it takes time both to fall into the habit and accept such unusualness despite the fact that they are forced to take a fatalistic course of action they are alien to. Being trapped in such circumstances, there is no way to do anything; they have no one to give them aid; in a nutshell, they are sent nothing from anybody unless they themselves must take actions. In this case, everything seems dark, and gloomy; a bitter pill to swallow.
   Fraught and dangerous situation arises when one is not so strong to prevail over the state of affairs he or she has been prevailed over whether they are natural or unnatural. The setting we are provided for is optional to some extent on one hand and compulsory within limits on the other hand. Social inequalities, class intervals, and consequently class attitude and consciousness in such a capitalistic society recall us to recognize which class we are belonging to; the high one or the low one. That is why Marx argued that no one is so free to determine his or her social relations:
In the social production of their existence, men inevitably enter into definite relations, which are independent of their will, namely relations of production appropriate to a given stage in the development of their material forces of production.
   Paying particular attention to such an undeniable comment, something important is uncovered; class distinctions and their relationship to the means of production on the basis of them men are powerless the time they experience existence and consequently have no way to do except resigning themselves to their fate be it desirable or undesirable. Thus, contrary to our will we enter into some social relations in which we appear powerless to take any action. These relations identify whether we belong to the high or the low class; that is the division of people in a society according to their social status. Therefore, at birth, a condition stretches itself upon our life which exists out of our control. Being a member of the high class or the low class is the cause which leads us to take a course fatalistically. As a result, our options will be so limited to the part whose taking differs from person to person although our behavior will be influenced by the social actions or actions in progress. What the opportunities would be then and change this course depends on both the condition we are chained in and the possibility of conscious practice we might provide for; accordingly, chain gangs will collect in an army among the lower classes. Consequently, bitterness is the only shadow these chain gangs carry with themselves forever unless something incredible such as occurring a revolution, declining of a period or sovereignty would alter this particularity which leads us to understand social origins and orientations. At this phase, new-borns have no options and they are led by societal forces eventually.
   Nevertheless, the problem remains a riddle if we do not elaborate on such a problem. Drawing upon such a social fission, labor division, mental and manual, between the high and the low is the most distinguished character which creates two different roads; one to the fortune, the other to the poverty. Those who stand on the lucky station do everything: they have the right to exploit the others – the working class – be the owners of everything; in short, they have the power of monopolization, such as damaging people’s property. Their ownership, their state and any other existing pillar founded by them paves the way to take the road to live by exploiting the others; dos and don’ts have no meaning for them, they are free to go everywhere, to behave so and so. These owners of the state, although are in minority, hide and swell up in a lurking figurative place called ‘government’. That is why the low class is encircled with dos and don’ts. They limit themselves not to do everything and are born, innately, with the suffering that makes them honorable.
   Among the masterpieces written by great authors from the high class you always face to these detestable phrases ‘the nobles,’ ‘the full-blooded,’ and so many other words and phrases specific to the high class doctrines, but what about the toilers who are responsible for satisfying the society and carry this duty on their shoulders? This unlucky majority is just a tool for providing the high class prosperity. They are not full-blooded and have inferior quality just the same; what a melodious utterance!
   Class distinctions are specific to modern societies factually where people are divided into two classes. If there should be expressed a historical viewpoint about such an interaction, it must be indicated that, without any hesitation, such economic and social inequality is the outcome of a long process whose origin goes back to the time people experienced private property by the accumulation of surplus value for the first time. Accordingly, governments are the twins of private property from the very beginning; in fact, they are protectors of such injustices. Regarding such a problem and representing further inquiry Marx and Engels argued:
The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggle: Freeman and slave, patrician and plebian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.
By taking both a historical approach and a modernistic viewpoint, such an outlook is outstanding an attitude according to which we can pay more attention to class conflict as far as possible. Socioeconomic structures lead us not to forget about the base and superstructures for which the governments play an important role; as producing surplus value led societies to maintain such relations for ages, governments got more and more power. They are now so absolute that their downfalls seem almost impossible and taking any action against them is catastrophic. Nevertheless, nowadays they are crashed whenever people find it impossible to live unless they must take actions against governments to provide a situation in which they can live. In fact, governments are systematic patterns with which capitalists are provided more and more backgrounds both to gain extra wealth by exploiting overwhelming majority of people in favor of their welfare and reduce them to poverty in order that their distinction must be showed as their absolute advantage.
   Governments have always been either at capitalists’ beck and call or in the service of minority. Not being satisfied with exploiting the workmen and plundering national assets, capitalists have always led military expeditions to the other countries to sack their cities and towns. They trample everything down and people are trampled down whomever, whenever and wherever they are. In such cases, national bourgeoisie accompany with their local self-governments have to surrender and share the interests unless they are crashed as far as possible. Their covetousness has no limits; what a melodious benevolence for which people are trampled down as far as possible!
   Functions of governments lay ahead difficult conditions internally and externally. Certainly, people suffer from many unknown events; if they are from the occupying countries, their wealth is spent on war guarantee on one hand and under the pretext of defending national security their children are killed and injured on the other hand; if they are from the occupied countries, both their wealth are plundered and their children are killed and injured under the pretext of defending national prestige. What a chaotic world for which the upper class and its agents have the right to do everything!
The Lefts, Their Identity and the Part They Played in Kurdistan
Representing such a clarification must have reflected the interaction between capital and its disciples in facing the majority of people up to now. Kinds of interactions the communists must take depends on the social structures on one hand and howness of protesting against social conditions on the other: that how far these nations have been deprived of social life; that what the factors are which distinguishes the whatness of their struggles from the others. Elaborating on such an interaction, Marx and Engels enlightened an important consideration:
… the communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things.
Such a highly significant declaration reveals an all-embraced theory according to which communists have to play their part in the best possible way. The existing social and political order of things paves the ways to the workmen, workwomen and the poor remain miserable; therefore, any attempt or activity trying to challenge such an order is pioneering. The backgrounds on which revolutionary movements appear and pave the way for the future generation to find themselves in a more acceptable circumstance are rare; they will appear just the time the socioeconomic conditions led them be created. Such backgrounds themselves are the outcome of many socioeconomic and political factors that leads the society to experience another circumstances thoroughly different from the former. Especially important is the way the communists find themselves as promoters of standards of living; if capitalists are stranglehold, the communists are pathfinder; that is why Marx and Engels urged that communists have to play their part as the supporters of revolutionary movements.
   The ruling class exploits any condition and loses neither the opportunities nor the abilities it owns. Therefore, any movement that challenges its existence must be led consciously. It is possible for the oppressed to take part into any revolutionary movement to acquire a better condition. Advancing of any socioeconomic condition depends on the howness of those who work hard not the minor oppressor who just have the necessary skills to exploit the others by using their governments. Taking part into any revolutionary movement must supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress.
   Considering such an interaction, the left forces in Iran and Kurdistan participated in the revolution, in 1979, by which the imperial system fell eventually and the mullahs got the power as its succeeder. Having led a government, they called it Islamic Republic of Iran. This new state began suppressing any sign of freedom from the very outset; left and right political forces were prohibited and their members and adherents were imprisoned and most of them either were executed or ruined savagely throughout the country.
   Any sign of egalitarianism was suppressed and range of firing squads and massacring people were so high that its describing is almost impossible; in fact, people were crashed under the feet of such gods of death. The Islamic Republic introduced itself as God’s nuncio on earth and let itself do whatever it found it prudent. This regime and its godchildren sang their song on earth so godlike that as if they were angels of death on an inferior world. What hospitality to strangers these dancers of death exhibited to extend their kindness to humanity!

1. The Birth of Resistance Movement, Its Nature and Identity
Kurdistan, in which revolutionary activities still was warm, was attacked severely. Most of the cities were bombarded and hundreds of people were executed periodically. To counter the enemies, a resistance movement was formed and every political force participated in it. This movement soon established itself as an all-embracing movement. In fact, such a movement was a compound of all the left forces and there was observed no right-of-center party or any right political forces. The only political right winger force, in the zone, was Moftizada, his followers and agents who played a negative role; they were the direct self-employments of the Islamic Republic; his party stalwarts were known as betrayers to Kurdistan and its nation. No catch-all party presented in such an all-embracing movement.
   The above mentioned movement provided its elements and its particular culture to prevent any hostilities and control the sociopolitical orders. Repressing any chaotic condition and fit everything for the occasion, on which normalized procedure would be provided, necessitated a well-matured platform called such a movement. As you are introduced to its function, you find it more important than any other scattered activities. This movement provided a unique and unit figure, of the presented activists, whose experience rarely is found in the history of humanity. Factually, elimination of national and class oppression and providing an egalitarian socioeconomic structure to the area became the identity the mentioned movement took up.
   In the present study, according to timings of confrontation, the mentioned resistance is divided into two main phases: the First Resistance Movement and the Second Resistance Movement. Such kind of resistance led the movement to experience different phases; although, each one of them had its particularity, many elements and strategies ties them as a body on one hand and the backgrounds led them to experience different situations on the other: the first one could bring about a condition upon which the second one rose. The first one made the regime to have talks with people and grant many authorities to them while the second one was retaking what it had lost. The first one made available possibilities with which people could feel freedom and being the self while the second one was bloody and Kurdistan experienced such a darkness that its sample is just found near its mates. However, the first resistance provided a background upon which the second one had people and strugglers take ways through which they continue their struggles thoroughly different from what they had experienced at that time. And from the time to this very day, it has been going on and both the condition and political forces has experienced such different changes and forms that recognizing their first forms and condition is almost impossible; nevertheless, the flams of the resistance never got extinguished.
   Representing such an explanatory, I will elaborate on the howness and whatness of the resistances with a historical perspective especially the interval between them in the coming interpretation.
   Since the political climate was not suppressed yet, it was impossible for the Islamic Republic of Iran to attack Kurdistan easily; as a result, the regime was compelled to have talks with both the present political forces and the prominent figures in Kurdistan. Not to miss such a valuable opportunity, a board was founded to represent such talks to the government at the time; consequently, Kurdish People’s Representative Corps was formed. Members of the mentioned board were either great independent figures such as Sheikh Ezadin or the leaders and spokesmen of few political organizations.
   The above mentioned board did its best as far as possible; however, since the political process was overshadowed by rapid changing, the more such a board tried to get a good result, the more it was retreated. Therefore, talks reached to a deadlock. The most important point was that the government wanted to use the opportunity and concentrate its armored units to carry out a raid to Kurdistan. Whatever quantity and quality of such a Representative Corps was, might not seem so important; rather, its strategic approaches and the positive effect it left was vital: that struggles were represented collectively; that people found their move as a unit action; that every organization had to refer to it to coordinate its activities with the others; that the government understood struggles in Kurdistan as a unit body; that the government found Kurdistan’s struggle something different from the others; and finally, that the interaction by the two sides caused people not to rely on government’s vows, rather to rely on their abilities and their representatives.
   Another prominent occurrence should be mentioned is the great number of people who put their lives on the line. From the very beginning of resistance to the bureaucratic controls by the Islamic Republic so many people were executed and most of their properties were razed to the ground. Furthermore, so many other people were killed as their cities and towns were bombarded; for example, in Newroz of 1979, New Year’s Day in Iran, called Gory New Year in which such a national occasion is celebrated, Sanandaj was bombarded; in fact, it was destroyed; using fighter planes, artilleries, mortars and heavy machine-guns by the regime, 4oo townspeople were killed and thousands of them were injured.
   The first presence of the Regime in Kurdistan was bloody in a large scale: In Pawa seventeen, in Sanandaj eleven, in Mariwan nine, in Saqize 22 people were executed by Khalkhali the executioner. Based on a preplanned measure, the regime’s agents killed many people in five villages between Mahabad and Shno. So many civilian and innocent people were butchered there: in Qallatan fifty, in Qarna seventy six, in Inderqash and Wesookan fifty three, and in Sofyan forty seven. According to the same policy Khalkhali had adopted, two years later fifty nine other people were executed in Mahabad.  The range of such a murdering was so high that Himen, the great Kurdish poet composed such a crime into a quatrain:
Greenish and reddish bloody body is
Wailing and weeping yellow blossom;
Had you wish to see Kurd’s modern season,
Just barely enough to see Qallatans
   Committing such measuring by Islamic Republic is not enough with which anyone could understand how far it was and is bloodthirsty. If it had some show trials at its beginning, it is possible for everyone to see how many people were executed, later on, without any questioning among whom is seen Aladdin Rahmati, a thirteen-year old paralyzed boy, who was put in front of a tree and was shot about sixty bullets just because of the fact that he was the brother of a revolutionist in a village called Navarra near Sanadaj. Furthermore, many houses and so many vital interests were ruined by different warlike hostilities.
   The interval between the two mentioned Resistance Movements is a gap in which Kurdistan experienced a new circumstance; in reality, alongside of such ruining by the occupiers, Kurdistan experienced an extraordinary circumstance of which I can refer to establishing District Communities with which people could experience new living in comfort in the first instance; the Representative Board of District Communities played its role as the main board to all Communities which was coordinating all of them. Most of the members, almost in all the districts, were the young. They were provided opportunities in which they could find themselves as entrepreneurs to influence people’s conditions of live. The range of their duties was various; running affairs, teaching and training people were almost the backgrounds they had themselves perform.
   Organizing the historical marching of people from Sanandaj to Mariwan was a great pace for which people devotedly showed their best: almost about 4000 people marched such a 125 kilometer long distance for about fifteen days. This campaign was led to other political dimensions of which, in Marwiwan, almost all of the city’s residents left the city and dwelled in about fifteen kilometer far from the city. In other cities, such as Saqez and Bana, people began marching to join such a momentous and strategic move and they walked all the way enthusiastically to halt the Islamic Republic’s attack to Kurdistan. People in Kamiaran, Diwandara and villages played their role as providers of their provisions as far as they could.
   Since such a departure could compel military expedition to Kurdistan for, at least, a short time, it was successful. Foad Mostafasoltani as the initiator and the leader of this historical marching did whatever he could. Covering the necessities for such a monumental long marching with such a partisanship and securing them doubtlessly was an incomparable historical record. An all-embracing popular support promoted it to such a degree that it could be compared with great attempts all around the world although it happened in a bordering area whose population never will be contrasted with wide geographical lands such as China.
   Such a marching was unparalleled although it was copied from the great marching led by Mao Zedong. In China, the Communist Party began marching on October 1934 and finished it at the same month in 1935; about 100/000 people took part into such a campaign; when they arrived at their destination only 20/000 of them were alive. Surly, experiencing such an audacious move, in Kurdistan especially against a ferocious regime, was innovative. It is a source of pride for real strugglers. Developing such an unforgettable and many other innovative strategies made Foad stand as a charismatic figure in the history of struggling against tyrants.
   As Foad Mostafasoltani’s struggle was so prominent and he could organize both such a historical marching and led the two Resistance Movements in such a limited bordering area, he was known as Kurdistan’s Guevara; it was the name of Ernesto Che Guevara, Argentine Marxist and the revolutionary guerilla theorist. Foad, Kurdistan’s Guevara, is a well seeming address; however, I, that am writing such a note on such a historical campaign, call him Foad, Modern Spartacus ; as it is known Spartacus was a Roman slave and gladiator born in Thrace. So many common points are seen between them; from rebelling against exploiters to their activities who led their fate be sealed as saviors of the oppressed. They both put their lives on the line; they both wanted nothing for themselves; they stood on a road specific to the poor, to the ones who had nothing except their labor power and whatever they had they granted it to the oppressed.
   Recognizing similar attitudes and worldviews between these two prominent figures, Foad Mostafasoltani  and Spartacus, the oppressed are led to find the links with which they are put in a chain from the old civilization to the modern capitalistic societies. More important is the fact that they both led unforgettable historical marching with which they could announce how the oppressed are great if they found any opportunities to breathe freely. Without any hesitation, there are other common point of views and approaches among the two mentioned leaders and Mao Zedong in China. Great extraordinary practice is specific to unusually excellent men and women.
   Attendance of many different forces at such a unique struggle, without exposing to any danger in Kurdistan, is something glorying. The democratic climate was so trustworthy that almost all the parties and political forces, in Iran, with different and their specific viewpoints got ready in Kurdistan and had their own domiciles. They were active as far as possible. There was not observed any sign of nondemocratic atmosphere; in fact, democratic participation had upgraded to its height. The only heartrending incident could be mentioned is the nondemocratic interaction by Kurdistan Democratic Party and its integrationist viewpoint according to which it attacked on the domicile of Peikar Organization (i.e. struggle) in Bokan; as the result of such an interaction four members of the mentioned organization were killed. Such a conflict led a long civil war in Kurdistan between Komala and Democratic Party. In fact, it was a starting point for such wars.
   Of the most unique occurrence I can refer to is a moderate behaving with Moftizada, the mullah, whose followers lived in peace although they were the direct agents of the Regime. A few of them were killed as far as Sanandaj was attacked at the first days of attacking Kurdistan. During such an extraordinary opportunity in which people lived in peace, they were attacking whoever they were finding unfriendly with themselves. As the revolutionary climate was still hot, they let themselves to plunder everyone’s home and property they called them the spy for the former regime. Among those who were plundered most were innocent; Moftizada’s agents got such liquid assets by plundering people on one hand and being granted so much money by the Islamic Republic that they were rolling in money and most of them became factory owners and power brokers. The government let them be everything; even a few of them became the office holders at the first days of ruling of the Islamic republic there.
   The most ridiculous behavior by them was happened the time they decided to Islamize people in Sanadaj. Alongside the endeavors to bring about stabilization by people, there must be narrated a laughingstock by Moftizada whose agents had been gathered in Jamé Mosque for many remarkable days; whoever was passing by was attacked firstly and then they were dropped into the pool there in order to be baptized. Committing such a bizarre manner by Moftizada’s followers, I thought of the time Saint John the Baptist was baptizing people to believe the Christ for the first time for about two thousand years ago. However, there are seen many distinguished differences between these two kinds of baptizing: John was baptizing those ones who voluntarily accepted to be Christian while Moftizada’s followers forced them to accept their ideas; John committed no insults, while Moftizada’s followers insulted anyone was passing by; John did not beat anyone while Moftizada’s followers were beating people as far as they could and they were thrown into the pool finally. Moftizada’s agents played their negative role as far as they could.
   As the regime felt that it was powerful enough, it challenged them at once and arrested Moftizada himself; finally, he died pitifully. Moftizada was the kingpin for the regime and he was used as they wished. Taking a paper from his pocket at one of his lectures in Azadi Square in Sanandaj, he announced that the paper was a document according to which Kurdistan could announce its autonomy. From the time he was called jash ; a direct spy and a representative for the Ayatollahs. The jash, as you are getting more and more familiar with was ascribed to the followers of him. In a word, they led the regime to occupy wherever the Kurds lived and capture whoever they called pagan; they were the most important self-force for the occupiers in the area.
   Certainly, the growing trend toward any social alteration needs both time and amenities accompany with particular manpower. In comparison with such backgrounds and lacking of such time and amenities, a hard working attempt was down in which the addicts were given an opportunity to recognize themselves again and most of them did so and began a living with which they could feel life in close. Later on, the time the movement was led to its climax, a wide range of most of those who succeeded to leave their addict, played their role as far as they could and many of them found themselves as new members for many socioeconomic activities.
   Many poor people were given plats of lands and they were built new houses and new amenities freely. Retaking of almost two years pay days of the workmen and granting it to them was a starting point for everybody to have confidence to what they were going to do. Many labors and non-rich people found opportunities to feel they were human. They were behaved like the others and there were not seen any differences between them and the affluent people. A remarkable numbers of them participated in the protests against the regime. Over the same period, dispossession of property from great landlords and distributing their lands among the peasants and villagers gave rise to a tradition all over the area; to be carried out such a plan, Rural Guilds were formed. The founder of such Guilds was also Foad Mostafasoltani.
   The great unforgettable thirty days sit-in in Sanandaj and the 4 days hunger strike accompany with few walkouts by the workmen was a strategic move by people against murdering four civilians by the Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution, the most important organized system for suppressing any uprising in Iran; Such an initiative strategy was a paragon of honesty. Partaking of common people in Kurdistan’s struggle is a peerless model.
   Women played their best and shoulder to shoulder with men took part in every activities and one of them Faride Qoreishi was elected as a member of the Representative Board of District Communities of Sanandaj; it was a starting point to the women to recognize themselves as human and leave the old fashion religious view according to which they were half-men and men’s servants. A great number of them joined to the armed forces and played their best. During their struggle many of them either were executed by the Islamic Republic Regime or they themselves put their lives on the line by taking part in the armed fighting.
   The political circumstance provided a unique situation upon which many meetings and conferences were carried on and so many great leaders and state officials participated in, of which I can refer to few lectures by both the left and right leaders and the state officials; Sheikh Ezadin Husseini who was introduced as the leader of Kurds at that time, Dr. Abdurrahman Qasemloo the general secretary for Kurdistan Democratic Party, Talleqani, the Ayatollah, the direct Islamic Republic representative, Behrooz Suleimani the leaders of the Organization of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerrillas in Kurdistan, Foad Mostafasoltani the leader of Toilers’ Revolutionary Organization, and so many other clear-sighted people. Among such lecturers was Talleqani, the Ayatollah, who insulted people publicly and severely; something important should be mentioned is that he pointed it out that everywhere he has been put in jail during ruling of the former regime, he had had a communist co-prisoner.
   The most important point that must not be neglected is the presence of common people who played their best. The movement was not specific to the intellectuals; people from any classes took part in it actively. Both the poor and the rich, except a few affluent landlords and capitalists, found the movement as theirs. That was why so many of them either were executed by the regime or they themselves put their lives on the line on one hand and the movement endured so remarkable time on the other hand.

2. The Movement and Its Standing on the Hind Legs
As far as the Islamic Republic of Iran felt that it was powerful enough, it attacked Kurdistan both by air and land immediately and many innocent people were killed and so many houses and buildings were ruined. It was the starting point to the second resistance movement. City after city was occupied. Massacring people was so high that it is beyond conception and causes everyone to faint. By the side of such massacring, the Islamic Republic made attempts to assassinate great and real leaders of Kurdistan of whom I can refer to Dr. Abdurrahman Qasemloo, Sadiq Sharafkandi, Sedigh Kamanger and Gholame Keshawarz.
   The functions of such a bloodthirsty capitalistic government laid ahead difficult conditions internally and externally on one hand and the problems it left on the other hand. Eventually, the regime could occupy Kurdistan and all the forces had to leave cities. To find new strategies and new ways they found guerrilla warfare as something ideal. Until this minute, the movement has experienced many other phases and many new organizations were established upon fission of their first forms and most of them have taken different approaches. However, it is now alive and gasps for breath with a more moderate and political attitude; armed struggle has been almost laid aside and there are seen few political demises, on a relatively minor scales, among powerless political forces and hopeless individuals. Many great intellectual individuals committed suicide as they could see no way to feel freedom as well.
Civil Disruptions
The two mentioned Resistance Movements paved the way for both a liberating movement and the civil disruptions. What you were represented was a glance over both participating people to promote their struggle to a higher degree on one hand, and the responsibility political forces staged it as a play to led such a great campaign against occupier forces on the other. To be fulfill what such a glance represents, there is no way to escape from the fact that it led the political forces to embroil in a civil war. A war between opposing groups within such a bordering area broke out; consequently, factional strife became an inevitable interaction.
   Remaining as subalternate groups, undermining few organizations and elimination of few inefficient political forces and recruiting most of their qualified members by the more powerful ones led most of them to find themselves into two prominent organizations: Kurdistan Democratic Party-Iran and Toiler’s Revolutionary Organization Known as Komala. Each one of them had its particular policy; therefore, their platforms were completely different from each other.
   Kurdistan Democratic Party, with a conservative platform and a social democratic viewpoint, whose great prominent leaders, Qasemloo and Sharafkandi, were assassinated during negotiation with Iran’s official representatives has always been making efforts to share in the government no matter what the Islamic Republic’s output and the part it played in the area was. Such an illusion about the then government, defending the great feudal and landholders in the area against peasants’ uprising and declaring war against Komala from the very outset to be the only powerful influential political party with a unique strategy encountered it with a challengeable strategic approach. In fact, the policy it represented was completely different from its social democratic viewpoint. However, many great figures such as Ghani Bloorian, Jalil Gadani, Himen and the others left such a party to have their own ways and lives. Democratic Party was subjected to schism and there are now two powerful organizations.
   Komala, although, had allocated its main activities to a particular purpose, i.e. to upgrade toilers and workers’ standards of living or at least bring opportunities about through which they could recognize their identities and conditions in order to have a consciously struggling against the oppressors, it relatively engaged a national attempt to obtain national community needs; hence many other political parties, all over the country, joined Komala to found the Communist Party of Iran in 1983.
   Such a dual state, in Kurdistan, gave rise a civil war between the two mentioned Parties and their strategy, national liberation, almost was forgotten; as the result of such a national egoism hundreds of the two parties’ partisans and pishmargs were killed and hundreds of them were wounded. However, Komala was also subjected to schism and there are diversities among them now, with their own organization planning almost taking two approaches to play their own parts: one with a national mission approach and the other one with a proletarian ideology or a socialistic approach.
   The war between komala and Democratic Party caused them to forget about their main struggling against the Islamic Republic of Iran. It caused people to lose their enthusiasm or became unwilling to support none of them. Furthermore, there were observed many dire consequences: many pishmargas and some great figures, from the two embroiled sides, either committed suicide or left their armed struggles and a great numbers of them surrendered to the occupation forces. Dire consequences of such a civil war are still felt these days although few new organizations, influenced by national struggles in Turkey, led themselves to be propounded near the end of the last decade.

Instead of Conclusion
What you were represented was an analytical enumerating similarities between the two mentioned resistance movements, analyzing their backgrounds and a brief elaboration on the civil wars in Kurdistan. Impossible for one to find any differences between these phases, the only remarkable point should be mentioned is that the first resistance movement could force the regime to have an ignominious retreat while the second one, although, was much more stronger the regime could occupy Kurdistan and preserve the outcomes it achieved since the time it could occupy such a new territory. To better view such a unique integration between the first resistance movement and the second one, it is enough to have a look on the ways they perfected each other. In fact, they resembled to two phases for which one was a prelude to the other; one was necessary and the other was probable.
   Finding a way through which one might experience happiness does not seem so difficult and finding a way through which we might feel pleasure without tasting any bitterness appears impossible. However, difficulty stretches over us out of our control since we are not so powerful to challenge every condition freely. Free will and determinism remain meaningless the time we do pay our attention to the real world and real pains people are suffering from. Killing of people be optional or constrained goes beyond due bounds; exploitation of man is overcharging; oppressing people is unjust; economic inequality and social inequality are the result of unjust distribution of wealth; and, in a word, the governments are the real protectors of such mentioned inequalities; why? What the whatness is according to which people are attacked; what the necessity is that compels them to raid everywhere they wish; who are such strangers that are going to grab everything; are we innocent people deserving such a cruelty? How chaotic living is in such a world in which people are eating people; and what a civilized people are such ones who are satisfied with nothing except everything! Accordingly, the relationship between sadness and happiness must seem ridiculous if we do not pay our attention to alteration of circumstances. Such a chaotic world will experience happiness if we just recognize both our ability and the dos and don’ts we are familiar to. The part played by the lefts, in such a historical period, is not forgotten since it was a starting point both to those who were eager to experience equality and to those who wanted nothing for themselves.

The Final Remarks
What the author has represented is related to the first resistance movement began in August 19, 1979 and ended in November 11, 1979. He has narrated a short but significant historical wartime episode in which not only many people were executed, but also thousands of people became homeless. The actual damage people experienced in Kurdistan is not forgettable; it has been resided in their minds. I think there is living nobody with tendencies of forgetting such a heartrending occurrence. It is forgotten just the moment new generations will be born whose socioeconomic of their lives will be totally different from their ancestors if they would be able to forget about such a historical shock.
   Although, the text is a simple narration of a complex event, it has been retold in such a way that its complexity seems obvious; and it is the most prominent characteristic of the text. Probably, there must be found some unusualness the way he has selected to write his notes down. However, he has narrated everything so truthfully that even the details are deserved making films. Choosing a simple language, writing everything in details, and his specific kind of encountering with what he experienced is praiseworthy.
   Written in Persian, the source book includes a Kurdish translation of a poem by Petrous Dorian an Armenian poet. I do not know which language it has been composed first and which language it has been translated from either; therefore, I made a decision not to translate it into English. Translating historical and sociological texts or other literary works such as stories or novels are absolutely different from translating poetry. Nowadays, even the most loyal translators of poetry are considered treacherous, since poetry is almost something untranslatable; its harmonious unity is problematic. Elaborating on translating the works of great Iranian poets such as Hafiz and Sa’di, Nazim Hikmet said: “translating poetry is identical to killing a nightingale.” The gist of the point is that nightingales like skylarks are too small to kill; they are almost meatless; nevertheless, their songs are very beautiful and they can sing gracefully. Listening to their songs is much more delightful than having a piece of insignificant meat of them. Such an important remark must have reflected the howness of translating poetry.
   Considering such an important point, I crossed over from translating the mentioned poem; instead of such a gross mistake, I selected a poem composed by Jalal Malaksha a Kurdish poet whose most of works are epical and antagonistic. I hope I have not stumbled over its rhythm, rhyme and especially its music; whatever it is, is better than rendering any text translated not from the source language. However, as Robert Frost, American lyric poet mentions correctly, “poetry is a way of taking life by the throat.”
   Jamil Mohammadi, the autobiographer of this historical narration, was born in Sananadaj. The time he found himself under the necessity of struggling for the poor, he left his usual life. Having accepted to be a struggler, he has lived all his life in struggle to social inequality and economic inequality; concisely, he is true to the best of his knowledge. What you are going to read is only a drop in the ocean of his experiences that led him to remain faithful and abide by his words.
   As I found narrating such a historical occurrence important and it will, certainly, open new windows through which people are seeking their real fortune on one hand and others will be able to understand Kurdish people and their problems, I made a decision to translate it into English. Translating such historical texts will help representing a wide-ranging schema of which everyone tries to elaborate on it unhesitatingly.
   In view of the fact I found extra comments necessary to be added to the text, I had to provide the readers some additional information; therefore, I have allocated the footnotes to the mentioned facts. Furthermore, all of the endnotes are the authors’ such considerations.  A bracket, including numbers, above the reference words and topics, (), calls the readers’ attention to the endnotes.
A. Ernesto
Bloodthirsty Firing Squad

A Prologue

Anyone who is going to have a look on at this note, he or she might have been brought a question up according to which what the necessity is I am going to narrate such a dreadful historical account. Has the Islamic Republic of Iran committed no crime if its interaction must be narrated as Bloodthirsty Firing Squad?
   Taking place in secret, some pictures or movies of the scene of some specific crimes have been brought about many social movements accompany with global support, during the history. Throughout the process of unjust war of Vietnam, the picture of a young girl could unveil the face of modern civilization; a starting point for pulling an imperialistic government back. In the USA, the movie of punishing a young Negro by the police could cause a public movement in most of the states for months. 
   Kurd’s problem is one of the intricate questions of the four Middle East countries in which this nation, against its will, has been divided into pieces; it – from chemical bombarding, Anfaling,  mass massacring, decamping, exiling, prisoning, wandering, forcing conversion, to depriving them the most primary rights – has been the victim of these countries’ extortion for many years.
   I chose the name Registered into History for this incident since it has caused a universal reaction and also it will be relying on by future generations with which they would condemn Islamic Republic some time. In the meantime, this note includes the pictures that could cause a great effect at that time and could question the ruling of these murderers of the history that today is a problem in the Middle East.

To My Daughter, Sana

It was a very beautiful day of the summer; a pleasant warm weather. Such days are rare in Sweden, so one must pass it in the best possible way. My daughter, her Lebanese friend, who was at the same age and lived in our neighborhood, and I had an appointment to go swimming. We had made every necessary recreational facility and set off for the seaside. After a minute, we began listening to an Arabic song. Sana was crooning a song and striking gently on her laps simultaneously; it was pleasant and I was singing it accompany with her. In the meantime, it was a pleasure of me that Sana was so glad and cheerful. In a sudden, she put the CD player off and told me: “turn the snog we were listening to yesterday on!” I did not know which song. “Turn the ‘it’s evening’ dad,” she said. It was a heart-rending song, so I thought it is a pity if I put this song on for her in such an exceptional day and I changed the topic she was speaking about. We listened to another cheerful song until we saw ourselves in the seaside. After parking the car, Sana and her friend started flying towards the lake as two birds and did not wait for me.
   Prior to my arrival, they changed their cloths and jumped into the water. They were swimming, and their joyfulness was a pleasure of me. Returning back to the seaside, we were sitting down and were having the lunch. I had  already  dressed  a  short  sleeve  shirt  and I  
understood that my daughter had stared at the wound print I had on my arm. I knew she was going to ask the same question as she had asked about so many times. “Why don’t you say what this wound is,” she asked. I knew retelling such a catastrophe for her in such an age and such a day in which we were going to be happy was not so wisely. I promised to retell the event for her in a favorable condition, but did not mention to a specific date. Kissing my daughter, I asked them to go swimming together, and then we jumped into the water. Playing in the water was pleasing and delightful. Sana was springing the water on me; sometimes, she was moving out of sight and I have to find her immediately. After swimming for a time, both of us got tired and got back to the seaside.
   After that day, I made a decision to fulfill my promise and retell the catastrophe. The wound on my arm was a factual narrative on the body of Kurdish people; especially, people from Sanandaj. I must make it known not only to Sana but also to my people and people in the world. Although the wound has been healed up physically, it will be cured neither on my soul and spirit nor on people’s, because of the adventurous history they have been experiencing every moment. It would be cured just the time I make them appear in the justice house of people in which I will produce witnesses against the governors and their ignorant superstitious supporters.
   A few days ago, I was surfing the internet as usual. My attention was paid to a piece of information indicating granting a prize to a photographer who had taken the picture of executing people in Sanandaj’s airport in 1979. This execution had been issued by Khomeini and had a remarkable reaction. Looking at the pictures, I began weeping in my loneliness. The innocent faces of the people, with whom I was in prison, were visualized in front of my eyes. I reproached myself: “why don’t I say something? Why don’t I reveal what I observed?” Therefore, I made a decision to put my memories beside these pictures and retell the event for my daughter as I had promised her.

Talking about Love

Would you like
To talk about love?
Do wait, let me inspect
One might eavesdrop us
Behind the door!
Gesture is the language of love,
If we just trust each other’s eyes
No treacherous Beker will know
Where our rendezvous is.

My dear, do not walk barefoot
This ground is pregnant with scorpion 
If you want to sleep, were a kapanick
Snakes are plentiful in droughty years.
My dear do not lose my hand!
Do not shake each hand
There are a lot of sleeves
In which snakes are looping.
My dear do not stand before that window
The gloom will darken your dress
Be careful of your speech
The wind blows abruptly
Speech is light, the wind will carry it!

My dear, do not look at that sky!
The moon has been captured long ago
By a demonic cloud
My dear, it is night, a dark night,
Bring a light
We should find
How many shining stars
Have been buried this night.
Do not call me pessimist
I have been suffered a lot,
Scorpions stung me
I know the sting of snakes
Its poison has made me unconscious!

Behold, all my body
Is the traces of wounds,
The blister of my wrist
Is the vestige of handcuff’s fang.
And my wrinkly forehead
Is the trace of the plough of the time
Do not call me pessimist. 

During the history, particularly in this era within which capital has been expanded over the world, in countries that nondemocratic anti-humanistic governments are on the throne, each form of love of freedom is replied by violence and harshness. These days, governors are going not only to suppress but also to defeat love of freedom and devote it to their near and far pot-companion.
   The governments who are planning not to observe the civil rights and impose such a deprivation on people as something traditional with their deceitful implements are going to put their measures in a favorable light and degrade humanistic democratic voice.
   In Iran, a country whose rulers not only are leaning over black gold but also its assistants and helpers take pleasure in such a costly table, peoples’ life has been wrecked and there has remained neither freedom nor humanity and human right. Half of its people, i.e. women, are deprived of the most primary rights. They are treated according to the middle ages laws. Letting them to be showed off half of their face, they are going to satisfy them.
   From the very beginning of their government, these ignorant rulers and producers of reactionary virus in the territory accompany with Islamic  countries  have  equipped  themselves  to raze the city to the  
ground and call for action to provide further bloodshed. In the meantime, reactionary forces in the Islamized countries came to existence; they are going to be an alternative in these countries and lead every movement to detour and colorize it with religious.
   Simultaneously, modern liberating movements, during the few past decades, appeared to form national states and many countries were added to the geographical plans all over the world; countries whose populations are not more than a few hundred thousand. They made themselves known as nations and had announced either to join to Europe or to be independent.
   Kurdish people, whose struggling background is more than several centuries, have been a nation, particularly, conflicting for its trampled rights in different ways during the past century. It is standing in its commencement to show itself as a nation up and is looking forward to be known officially by other nations and international organizations. Nevertheless, apart from Southern Kurdistan with a specific condition, the repressive governments in which this nation has been divided into pieces are refusing to grant them the rights they have been deprived of; in fact their rights have been trampled by such central governments. In such countries, people are forced to leave off their humanitarian wishes; the right of autonomy. In fact, Kurdish people are going to obtain a position, from which, entering into partnership with authorities from the ruling nation. Not only has right of this nation trampled, but their struggles also have been defeated under the pretext of separatism and territorial integrity.
   Islamic Republic Regime had not experienced a few days of its authority yet that started a bloodbath in Sanandaj called 1979s New Year; Newroz . It imposed an unwanted war on Kurdish people and massacred crowds of them.
   In the same year, in order to suppress Kurdish people, i.e. exactly on August 19th in 1979, Khomeini’s famous calling for attacking Kurdistan was issued again. The aim was to retake democratic achievements for which people had put their lives on the line and tried to protect it unsparingly. In the meantime, it attacked on every symbol of democracy and freedom in Iran.
   These memories narrate this historical profile, namely, the time Khomeini issued his command for attacking Kurdistan in which tens of Kurdish contestants were executed by Khalkhali the executioner,  the Islamic Republic government official. During carrying out this raid to Kurdistan, campaign against it was called Kurdish People Resistance Movement. It was going to protect itself from repressive forces. During the 24 day armed fighting, as the result of this massacring decree in spring of 1980, to confirm his Imam, Banisadr, president of the time, addressed the army and ordered not to take their shoes off unless the riot is suppressed in Kurdistan.
   This note narrates a few examples of the crime committed by the Islamic Republic Regime through the mullahs in Kurdistan. It is published to disclose the felonious actions of plunderers. As the very witness, I intended that not to consign to oblivion the crime of this period.
   The pictures of this period at the time the Islamic Republic reached the apogee of its power is a document by which nondemocratic policy and its action against humanitarianism will be a fact to be represented at international proper authorities by future generations. These remembrances are the memoirs of people stood as cypress, as men of iron whom were shot and executed. Observing their pictures, surely, would stir everyone’s conscience.
   This note runs short of enough information about the mentioned period naturally; absence of perfection. I accept any reminding or notification willingly. I hope these personal observations and experiences would be a starting point for narrating remembrances by those during the power of Islamic Republic suffered a lot and also be a source for future historians.
   I hope this attempt would not miss the target to which I am going to write these remembrances to have more reflection through the pictures, in which both at that time and last year, published by a photographer, Jahangir Razmi, completely. As somebody imprisoned in one ward accompany with eight other people whom were executed later on, I will narrate what we experienced. Meanwhile, the impression associated, at that historical time, with political organizations and the individuals are narrated.
   With due attention to the importance of this event all over the world, some questions might be set forth for discussion by future generations. Therefore, I willingly announce any cooperating with anyone who is going to make a film about the process of the prison and execution.

Sanandaj Garrison

At the time I entered into one of the room of a hospital at the infantry division in Sanandaj, passing glance of a young man who stretched himself out on a bed took into my consideration; a young man whose color tended to be yellow, with fair haired stuck on his forehead and sweat on his face. At a glance, I felt that he was sick. Seeing me, a sign of happiness blew on his face. He was returning his head back toward me occasionally and had a friendly glance, as if he had seen an acquaintance or a companion in conversation. Laying his hand on his chest, a bearded man was standing above his head. Controlling every movement, this man was guarding him as black as thunder. I, later on, understood that, coming to Kurdistan to help Islamic Republic, this guard was a member for Lebanese Amal Movement.(1)
   By delivering me to the medical staff, accompany with a primary dossier – a fabricated case against me had been prepared in the former domicile of Association for Defending Freedom And Revolution(2) occupying by the Army of the Guardians known as Black Garments(3) – the state officials who had brought me there left us alone.
   Because of the injury I had on my arm which was hung on my neck, I  sat  down  on  a  bed  and  waited. I  was  plunged   into   my 
thoughts, thinking of the time I was arrested and also the moment they put the barrel of a gun into my mouth.
   I heard a Kurdish voice in Sanandaji dialect. It was telling that “I know you; you were our neighbor.”
   It was the sound of the young man I spoke of him before; I did not recognize him. I thought for a moment; I knew all the children lived in our neighborhood! Why do I not know him? I looked at him more and more; a good-looking young man whose sedate face attracted my attention very much; he was about 20. I, on my own, was searched for the family he belonged to. He started speaking again. I thought that since the guard knew neither Persian nor Kurdish, there was an opportunity to have a conversation with him freely. I was assured that we can talk to each other easily; however, since he had not introduced himself, I must be more careful. I did not know why he was there yet. But I guessed that he might have been suffered to the same fate as I had.
   “I failed to place you. Can I’ve your name please?” I asked.
   “I’m Ahsan. We were neighbors to each other; we went to Tehran many years ago; as soon as you entered to the room, I recognized you; I remember you.”
   “So, introduce yourself.”
   “I’m from the Nahid.”
   “Oh, I got it now.”
   The Nahid were famous and influential. They were a respectful family in the area. Our alley was named after them; our house was in this quarter too. The family’s father was a civil servant for the registration of vital statistics, who had died in a car crash during a mission to Boridar, in Zhawaro.(4) The family were scattered over the region after this tragic incident, but their house had remained as a place where they would come once in a while to stay in. I remembered Ahsan’s face when he was still a youth; however, he had experienced some changes in the body. I remembered his younger brother, Shahryar, accompany with one another going around; he was two years younger than Ahsan.
   “Well, what’s the news about your brothers and sisters: Abedin, Abdullah, Zabih, Hassan, Mozzafar, Shahryar and your sisters Rafat and the other one that I don’t remember her name?”
   It was an unexpected case. They had gone to Tehran many years ago; at that time, Ahsan was about ten or twelve. Now he was a handsome young man.
   “What are you doing here?”
   “I’m injured too, my foot had been shot. It’s impossible for me to walk, the bullet has hit into my leg.”
   A blanket had covered his leg.
   I was assured that he had a condition as I had and it was a base for our confidence. His condition was the same as I had; both of us were wounded and captive, but it was impossible for me to walk. Our chat was usual, a speech from everywhere, we were speaking about the family members in detail. He was eager for speaking and it was evident he had a conversation with nobody for a long time. The only people coming into the hospital were the staff and the individuals from Amal Movement. I, later on, understood that they were guarding and shifting from time to time. Their appearance were not so different, every one of them had the same beard, coat and trousers with the same color. Doubtlessly, they were armed, but their guns were not observable.
   We were speaking when a medical assistant entered the room; addressing me, he asked me to go out with him. I said good-by to Ahsan and set out behind the medical assistant. I did not know if I would come back to Ahsan or not. Do they move me to another place? It was the obsession I had in the mind. The environment of the hospital was completely military and the people passing by armed with weapons and dressed with military uniforms.
   We passed the corridor and entered a small room; going back to a desk and taking a paper out, he wrote my characteristics down.
   “We’re going,” he said, “to have your photograph taken to see how it’s been broken. The movement of your wrist and arm shows that its nerve sustains an injury. Apparently, a doctor’s going to observe it; therefore, we must prepare the photograph as soon as possible.” Mentioning this point, he got busy with the case. Nothing more than these points passed between us.
   Tolerating a miserable ache, process of taking the photograph was done. I was returned back to the previous room by his Guiding. As finding a companion in conversation, in such a condition, was a gift, it was a pleasure for me to see Ahsan again. I had no doubt that we could have casual talks with one another without a touch of anxiety. I told him about taking the photograph and also some scattered points about the time I was a soldier at that Garrison. I spoke of the time I had got acquainted with Hussein, an adherent of Organization of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerillas. Listening to such notes, Ahsan got cheerful too. Sometimes, the staff dropped in to see how the condition was. They might be eager to know who the new one was whose hand had got injured. Of course, this was the guess I had developed because they had nothing to do except being curious.
   The time was about 8 or 9 at night that the supper was brought. Since my fate was ambiguous and did not know what was going to be happened, I had to have something although I had no good appetite; however, out of necessity I had some to be energetic. With due attention to the point I had passed the military service at this Garrison, it was probable to run as I wish.
   At this moment, two nurses came in one of whom I knew; she was a tenant at our home many years ago. By seeing me, she was taken aback, but she ruled herself over immediately. The guard did not take notice of the case; she, accompany with another woman, had brought me some painkilling pills. The time she stood nearby, I told her: “I’ll give you the phone number, call my family please and tell them that their son’s here.” I heard no answer; it was evident that she had been frightened. Since I had no doubt that she knew me, I did not tell her who I am and her first reaction revealed this point. To prevent her from encountering any problem, I would rather stop any unnecessary remarks; moreover, there was not enough space to have extra explanations. I heard no answer, as if she was going such familiarity remain in secret and it was better her colleague remain uninformed of the case. Under the pretext of arranging the bed on which I had laid down, she came nearer and told me slowly: “Write, I’ll come back to take it.”
   I had neither a pen nor a piece of paper. After a while, I spent a time at ease. Inasmuch as she might come back as soon as possible, I had to write something down promptly, so I had a glance at the wardrobe. I guessed that there must be both a pen and a piece of paper. I was so thoughtful that I had forgotten the pain I had. Under the pretext of the pain on my hand, I came down the bed and began walking. I pretended that the ache was too much. Coming and going for many times, I went near the wardrobe. I opened it; there were so many pieces of paper. By now, half of the problem had been solved and I had to find a pen; therefore, I searched my pockets with the right hand. There is no need to be mentioned that searching the left pockets was very harmful and I had to search them with the healthy hand which was not shot. I thought of the time, before I was shot, accompany with Ashraf Rahimi, a friend of mine, were busy with drawing the form of a shoulder belt. I wished I could find a pen! Ahsan understood that I was searching for something.
  “What are you searching for?” he asked.
   “Alas, I want a pen,” I replied.
   All of a sudden, my hand touched a pen I had with myself; I was so surprised. I told to Ahsan that I found the item. To have confidence, I waited for a moment because everything should seem usual. I returned back to the bed and stretched myself down, and then I lift my trousers up carefully. I took the piece of the paper to write something on openly. I received no reaction from the guar although he saw what I was doing. On the average, this scene, descried above, took an hour. As I was assuring nothing unusual would occur ever since, I made the mind up to note my phone number down to give it to the old acquainted nurse by all means. Now I had both a pen and a piece of paper and it was strengthening me to deliver the note to the nurse. From the time she had told me that she would come to take the note back, it was impossible for me to think about something else; meanwhile, I was careful not to cause a problem. Eventually, I note the phone number down, and then I slipped it into the pocket of my shirt. And now I was ready to give it to her as soon as she would come back.
   Ahsan and I began speaking again: “well, tell me what the problem with you is. Why are you injured and where?” I asked.
   “Jamil Yaxchali, Shahryar my brother and I were arrested in Qetewin. We made a decision to run away and we did that; nevertheless, we were shot and I was injured. I neither do know anything of them nor where they are,” he replied.
   We were speaking about this case that the one who had taken the photograph of my hand came in and asked me to go with him. It was the second time I was leaving the room. I followed him until we entered a relatively big room. A heavy-set military got busy with talking to a grey hair well-matured man there. Next to them, another bearded young man with Esfahani dialect was standing and listening to them who had put white garments; later on, I understood that he was a doctor. As we entered the room, the well-matured man introduced himself as a doctor and put the ready photos in front of a fluorescent and explained that my left arm was hit by a bullet and there were seen five pieces of small bones. Observing my hand, he noticed that its nerve sustains a loss, and then he put my wrist on a desk. He asked me to lift my hand up which was inclined toward the bottom; I could not do that, because it was impossible for me to hold it. Addressing the two men, he explained that my hand must not move anymore; furthermore, it must be taken onto a latticed wiry plate otherwise it would not return to the usual state. He did not talk to me; it was evident that he was brought here contrary to his will. Hearing these explanations, without asking any question or a special order, they addressed the one who had brought me there to return me back. Taking me to the same room, he explained that “he was Dr. Hoseinzade, a specialist in the city.” I had heard of him, but had never seen him at close.
   I came back to Ahsan by leading of the man who had brought me there. Coming back, I noticed the lamps were off and a lamp with an insignificant light was on. I saw the guard again, who, had put his hands on his chest, but he was sitting down on a chair near to Ahsan. Waiting for me, Ahsan still was kept awake. I just could say that a doctor observed my hand and ordered that my hand must have been taken onto a latticed wiry plate otherwise it would not return to the usual state. It was impossible to talk any longer because the lamps were extinguished and we had to remain silence.
   From now on, I lay down on the bed, but it was impossible to go to sleep. The whole tragic occurrence of the day appeared in front of my eyes as a movie; I remembered every moments of the scene, especially the time I was gone to Kellane(7) in which a lot people looked at me incredulously. I remember it no more weather it took me a long time or not until I could go to sleep.
   Hearing the noise of cleaning of the floor by cleaners, I woke up. At this moment, the acquainted woman, who wanted to change the night shift, came to us and under the pretext of tidying my bed up came near. I found an opportunity to give her the phone number I had noted it down before and I did that. She took it among her fingers, then got busy with tidying the bed up without paying any extra attention and went out.
   After having breakfast, a doctor, on duty of the day, responsible for visiting the patients came in; having observed the medical dossier I was prepared, he gave necessary instructions. The time he left us, I tried to have a look on it, but unfortunately it was impossible for me to understand such notes. It was just a case added to the dossier I was held.
   An hour later, I was asked to follow somebody. We were crossing the corridor that an extremely furious man of the army, with an automatic weapon, insulting heaven and earth passed us; I saw traces of tears on his face. Having used Esfahani dialect, the one I was following told me that “a few of his close friends have been killed and their bodies have been brought to the garrison back by a helicopter.” I, later on, understood that people and political forces in Kurdistan have been imposed a battle in which tens of the occupation forces were killed in a battlefield in Saqez; it was the starting point for confronting the invaders of Kurdistan.
   I followed him into a relatively big room; resembling to a warehouse, it was both dark and full of medical devices. There was another one who asked me to sit on a chair. Having prepared a vessel, they wet the plaster band and bandaged my forearm and upper arm with; now it was like a right angle. I thought of the doctor’s order and the way they behaved me! They were doing the orders they were given anyhow. Although, they were committing something contradictory to the doctor’s order, I remained silence. Furthermore, since I was a captive, it was impossible to protest. It took about half an hour; when they hung my hand on my neck with a turban I tried to carry it, they asked me to go back to the room. The time I was going to come out, I was reminded of the therapy issued by the doctor who had observed me in the morning of that day.
   During the time I was returning to the room back, I listened to the sound of a helicopter landing near the hospital. I thought that it might have the injuries back to the garrison dispatched to fight against pishmargs  and people. At the moment, I remembered that some of our friends and acquaintances were busy with preparing themselves to stick out and continue their combat outside of the city.
   Heavy traffic of the armed militaries around the hospital was seen openly. It was both against the rule and the international customs; trampling the human laws from the very beginning. I was thinking about such a crime when I returned back to Ahsan. I told him what I had observed. Having been worried about me, he said nothing.
   “Well, tell me why they’d plastered your hand. According to their remarks, your arm must have been taken onto a latticed wiry plate,” he said.
   “The doctor had ordered to plaster it this morning,” I replied.
   We remembered our childhood; we spoke about our playmates lived in our neighborhood. He had forgotten some of them, so I helped him to remember them with mentioning a few signs. We were speaking about such memories that I was informed to be visited by my family.
   I expected to visit one of my family members, but there was no news of them. I saw two of my aunts whose faces were not only scraped but also relics of blood were observed on their faces. Observing me with such a plastered body held from the neck up, they began wailing and kicking up a row; they embraced me and wept a lot anyhow. Their weeping anguished me a lot, so I tried to calm them down; then I asked about my mother. They said to me, “the whole members of the family have been gathered at your father’s home.” They also said: “a woman, without introducing herself, had made a phone call this morning, saying you’re wounded and you’re at the garrison hospital; that’s why we came here immediately. We waited for a long time to be permitted to have a visit, and we’re here now. Contending them to both visit you and be assured of your healthy was so difficult and we suffered a lot.” Since I was alive, they were happy. They had heard of the executions in Pawa by the new government and were afraid of the same fate, in case I will be involved in, as they got into difficulty.
   Describing the process I was arrested, I tried to comfort them somehow. I mentioned that I was returning back to Dadane, the village I was a teacher in, to organize the summer reexamination in which I was arrested. When they kept calm I explained that Ahsan, the Nahid’s son, with whom we were neighbors to each other, is imprisoned with me and they can have a call to inform his family. As I was alive and they could visit me, they got happy and said goodbye to me; our visiting took about half an hour on the average.
   Coming back to Ahsan, I gave an account for the whole episode, and that they would reflect his imprisoning to his family.
   Since I was very tired and had not proper sleeping the night before, after having lunch, I got asleep. Our sleeping did not take a long time that we were awake by brawling noises from somebody whose friends have been killed; later on, we understood that he had expressed his annoyance of the event by this way. Many people gathered around to prevent him from entering into other parts of the hospital. Later on, we understood that he was going to enter the room we were hospitalizing in; it was evident because there were not any other people whose conditions seem like us to take vengeance for.
   Talking of the past remembrances and also speaking of our family members one by one, that day was ended. During the conversation, something considerable highlighted; removing from Sanandaj to Tehran and entering into Polytechnic University, Ahsan had been getting his major to be a chemical engineer and his brother Shahryar had studied medical. Concerning to a mission by the Organization of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerillas, Ahsan had come back to Kurdistan.

August 19th 1979, Khomeini’s Calling for Attacking Kurdistan(8)

Due to the trust were found in us, Ahsan let himself ask about the way I had been arrested and I explained it gratefully. Since he was not in Sanandaj for a long time, I described everything in detail for him.
   We were some friends and most of us either knew one another or were close friends. By following the sample figures who knew nothing except achieving people’s interest, we became some activists both full of revolutionary motive and perceptive recognition identifying rights of laborers without having enough knowledge of political organizations for many years. A few months ago, before the revolution,  we found ourselves as adherents of a force belonged to a Collective Unity with a distinctive characteristic; Combatant Compatriots, the members of Komala who did not announce their organization yet. Before the revolution, not only have we found ourselves in this Collective Unity, but we also did not refuse any attempt to do in this way and did every duty most willingly.
   After the uprising,  during which the Islamic Republic of Iran could dominate itself as the new governor, a particular democratic arena appeared in Kurdistan. The left forces and especially Komala played a great part to create such an arena. Most of the political forces had established their own domiciles and in comparison with reactionary forces they were defending the revolution and freedom; to protect the rights of hard working people, they prioritized such an attempt out of their countless affairs. They organized themselves in an association known as Association for Defending Freedom and Revolution.
   Lacking of a popular rule and deficiency of confidence in Moftizade, a mullah who had some followers in Sanandaj, and as well as the presence of many agents gathered around Safdari the mullah, people had trusted in political organizations and personalities gathered around them; therefore, their problems could be solved by referring to them. It was a starting point over which the City Community of Sanandaj was elected, a pivot around which a popular sovereignty aroused.
   We were sent on a duty to go to Bakhchala village by Association for Defending Freedom and Revolution whose most of members were Komalaie ; some adherents of Line Three whose political orientations toward a special group were not highlighted yet accompanied us as well. We started our duty to go there accompany with some of our friends, Newrooz Ganji, Takesh, and someone else from the village asked us to solve their problems.
   In view of the fact that Newrooz Ganci and Takesh were teachers in Galwakhi areas and were familiar with the situation, Association had sent them on such a duty as authorities out. Kamal Qhotbi, Hamid Sha’bani, two other members from the Line Three of whom I must not mention their names because of security cases, and I were sent on a mission to go to the village accompany with the one mentioned above to divide the feudal lands among people. As we started our mission, I saw Teiub Rohalahi and some other friends coming back from such a mission. I must mention, at that time, Komala had not declared its presence yet and in other parts of Kurdistan it was known as Democratic Associations.
   It was about 10 o’clock when we left the Associations’ headquarter to go to Diwandare in a van. The van had no tent, the city was usual, the people were busy with their daily affairs, and there was no sign of terror when we got out of the city.
   Newrooz, who knew most feudalists of the area, was well known there and people loved him a lot; before the revolution, accompany with Khaled Babahajyan, they had a conflict with Yedolla Qezllwllakh, the Khan . Newrooz told us: “entering to Bakhchala village, we must divide into houses and then we will gather around to confer with one another on the condition. We have to consider the circumstances to see what people have in their mind and we must defend the voice of the peasants.”
   We got into Bakhchala at noon and we were divided into houses as it was appointed before. Hamid Sha’bani and I went to one of our old acquaintances’ home. He had lived there and we do not know this. We saw each other in accident and he did not fail to place me; he insisted that we must be his guest anyhow. He was a friend of my father and was very happy as he had seen us. His house was as simple as any houses in the villages. He had a few children one of whom had the same name as I had; Jamil. He himself told us that “he had imitated the name I had.” The time we were eating our lunch, we got more information about the lands we were going to divide it among people. Having had the lunch, all of us gathered in a place appointed before and soon after we started going toward the lands must be divided. Since we must know their ideas about dividing the lands, we consulted villagers the time we got near the lands. Moments later, we saw some people coming toward us; they asked us to have the news the radio had broadcasted that day.
   Listening to the radio at two o’clock, people in the village had heard that women and Muslim children had been taken as hostages by communists and counter revolutionists in Jamé Mosque in Sanandaj. They had come to inform us such an important piece of news.
   Speaking with people, Newrooz cut his talk. He had a meeting with us. With due attention to the fact that many people were executed in Pawa the day before, we found it very important and it was a familiar case to attack on people. As we were in contact with many certain forces, we got the idea to go back to Sanandaj without taking any action about the lands. Explaining the importance and necessity of the case to people, we reminded them that the Association will take every necessary action later; thus, we started going back to Sanandaj. It was the time in which Khomeini’s famous calling for attacking Kurdistan was issued.
   Returning back to Sanandaj, we saw Abdullah Baban passed us, in a car, going to Diwandere. Having not been so far away, we saw Keihan Farzad, in a green car, accompanied by Sa’ed Wetendoost in the same path; they were both in contact with Komala. We felt that it was a serious case, so to be more assured of the case, by changing the path, we followed them with the same velocity. We were hopeful to see Keihan to be informed of the condition; in this manner, we could have been aware of every new necessary tactics. It was impossible to get them, so we returned to Sanandaj back and entered into the city doubtfully: stopping at the entrance of the city, we tried to have a contact with those who were going to leave the city. We were armed; therefore, we must enter the city carefully otherwise we had to enter it by taking the deviated paths. Now that we were informed of almost everything, taking the rout Sanandaj-Diwandare, we found ourselves near the city; it was possible for the occupation forces to take any entrance and exit ramps up; therefore, we entered the city by passing the rout Feizabad. Predicting any possibility, we tried not to be created any unnecessary case; therefore, we acted with a grain of salt.
   Inasmuch as the city was devoid of ordinary condition and seemed more tranquil than ever, we did not take the upward slop of the road. The evening was going to provide itself upon the city that we arrived at the ring road toward the Sheikh Salam Takie. Not going further, we found ourselves in the triple ways of Sheikhan. Here, we understood that some armed activists of the city, Selah Rash and Yedolla Golchini, Wria Nazeri, and so on gathered together going to go out of the city. As we knew some of them, we went nearer and began talking of the condition. Some of them had made their decision to go out of the city.
   Owing to the fact that we were in contact with a proletarian organization and we must continue our activities under any condition, I separated from my friends while I put the gun, Yossi, into the turban I had with myself; accordingly, I did not go back to our house. The condition was so complex that distinguishing between secret and public activity was not possible.
   I went to one of my family’s house. Having concealed my gun in a place, I stayed there that night. There was seen not any considerable alteration in the condition; neither regime nor Moftizade’s agents could gain controlling of the city yet. Distressing piece of one’s mind, sound of opening fire from automatic firearms was heard every now and then. The thing caused that night to be different from the others, was Khomeini’s famous calling for attacking Kurdistan; it had caused the city submerge into a terror.
   Discussing with children until the midnight, that night was passed. We elaborated on Khomeini’s issued calling; that what would its consequence be. Not sleeping on the bed, I was thinking about what we should do; where I should hide; and when the condition would feel its usual state. I remembered that I had to go back to Dadane, the village I was a teacher in, to schedule the summer reexamination; consequently, I decided to go to Dadane.
   In addition to these activities mentioned above, in accompany with several other friends from Chem Shar (the villages surrounding the city), of whom many were members of the Association, we were assisting people to establish their own elected associations; we somehow were successful and in some cases we had gotten the point. However, our attempt to establish elected associations of the villages, as a body, remained unsuccessful. We intended to have a model of the Rural Guilds as our friends had established them in Mariwan. There, bringing such gilds into existence raised the necessity to be formed armed groups to protect the obtained achievements. In fact, Rural Guilds were some organized unions against the feudalists.
   As my eyes felt the sunshine, I woke up. Having had breakfast, I must do what I had decided the night before. Lanes by lanes and district by district, I found myself over the Molla Weisi Bridge near our house. It was about 10 when I got there. I saw Ali Sobatian on a motorcycle. He was so glad, as he could have met me. He asked me about any new pieces of news both about the condition and our friends. In spite of the fact that we did not know what the latest news was, we began speaking. At this moment, we saw Behrooz Shadimoghadam who had arrived here through lanes too; he had left his place of life as I had. Closing to us, we asked him about our friends. By this way, we understood that his close friends, Farhad Amaneti and Abdullah Hooshiaryan had left the city the day before. Later on, during the fight between Komala and Democratic Party, Ferhad Amaneti, known as Salah, was suffered martyrdom and Abdullah Hooshiaryan gave up his life while bombarding camps of Komala in Southern Kurdistan, Bote, by Ba’th Regime.
   To find a way to go out of the city, I asked Ali to glean pieces of information. Immediately, he left us toward Hasanabad Road to detect exits if there was any. As he had a motorcycle, he came back in a few minutes and told us that Hasanabad Road was not closed then. Therefore, it was possible for everybody to leave the city. Getting on Ali’s motorcycle pillion, I told goodbye to Behrooz. We moved toward Kellane via Hasanabad Street. Having passed Hasanabad village, we found ourselves, near Dare Heyer, going to Marabzan. The time I found myself in Marabzan, I told him that he could go back then. He insisted that he could escort me as soon as possible, but I found it unnecessary.
   Taking a deviated path, I was going to find myself in Kellane. Passing fields after fields, I got to a cottage; one of my acquaintances was living there. It took me a quarter to go there. They wondered for a moment and I explained, going to Kellane, I found it pleasurable if I visit my friends first. I visited Ashref Rehimi from Malakshan that had come there, too, before. Both of us had been taking part into some sessions with one another. Having had the lunch, we had a dialog on the condition. Ashref knew nothing of our friends too. We began speaking with the youths used to live there.
   We were busy with speaking when we saw Hasan Rahimi, accompany with a laborer from Takie village that were going to Kellane; he was both an adherent of Komala and a teacher teaching in Takhte village. He gave up his life during the 24 day armed fighting in Sanandaj. They came to us, as we asked them to have a rest. We especially spoke of Khomeini’s famous calling for attacking Kurdistan; however, each one had his own ideas.
   They explained that as they had not found it suitable for staying into the city, they had to remain on the heights of mount Abidar the night before; they were going to Takhte village as well. Having a rest for a short time, they said goodbye to us to take the way through Kellane.
   I had decided to go to Dadane when the evening was going to have its shadow on the lands. The weather was warm, so I and Ashref chose the back of the cottage to sit not only under its shadow developed by the walls, but also to provide a conversation about the condition. We found a paper and were busy with drawing the form of a shoulder belt. I told him about a gun, M 1, I had bought few days before. We were both imagining its shape and drawing it on the paper. We predicted that if the condition did not experience any alterations, we might use every possibility.
   At that moment, we heard a noise from an automobile going by fast. We thought that it was the noise of a minibus going to Kellane to carry fruits and vegetables to cottages; therefore, we did not move and stayed there to continue our discussion. The noise was coming nearer and nearer, so we got curious about it and moved to see the automobile. We climbed a position on which it was seen. It was impossible for us to predict such a condition we experienced later. Our guess did not take the point; it was not the villages’ rather somewhere else. However, it stopped near us, about 50 or 100 meters. Many armed people with black garments got off it immediately.
   Observing that condition, we guessed that they have been brought there by one of Moftizade’s agents, Haji Abdolali. As the mentioned agent, during the time Kurdistan was ruled by people, after the revolution, had been put on trial as someone famous for treacherous, in the Mosque of Kellane, he knew us very well. We could just say it was a plan by Abdolali and we began to run away.
   The cottage we had placed there was more elevated than the road and there was also a steam made it possible for us to run away along the bank of it. Loudly, they announced ‘stop’ repeatedly, but we had made our decision. Finally, they began shooting with no intermission. All of the passengers of the minibus were guardians; they began shooting us. As we were going out of sight, we saw a farmer taken his children under his protection and yelling again and again: “you’re burning my donkey too.” Taking a detour after a while, we found ourselves in a valley taking us toward Marabzan. Since Ashraf outpaced me, he had gone ahead about 50 meters; he almost was at the end of the valley. Gasping for breath and very tired, I was following him. Going up and down my left hand, I felt a pain in it; I also felt I could control my hand no more and it got heavy either. I was completely both tired and out of breath; escaping became something impossible. I had a look where Ashraf was running; he left the valley and got out of the gun reach. He had rescued and it was the source of happiness although I was in pain. Out of breath, I fell down while my hand was still warm although its ache was tolerable. A guardian got ready on my head in a moment. He began insulting in yelling: “such and such, communist” and, so on.
   In spite of the fact that I was so tired, I answered: “I’m a teacher; I’m going to the village I’m teaching in.”
   He put the barrel of a gun into my mouth and threatened he was going to kill me. He did so, so many times. Some other guardians came closer. He repeated his threatening. A friend of the mentioned guardian stopped him not to do so. “Where is your friend? What was happened to him? Where is your gun?” They asked me repeatedly. They knew that Ashraf had left the valley and it was impossible for them to catch him; they also knew that we were armless.
   Taking my hand, they got my body stand. After that they led me toward the minibus. During the route, they were threatening and insulting me alternately. My body had been got sweaty. As I got close to the minibus, I felt I was thirsty; therefore, I told I must drink some water. One of them cried that not to give me water. They got some water from the cottage I was in for a short time. I just wetted my lips and they splashed a little water on my face. Finally, I was entered into the minibus; shouting God is great, God is great, they were priding themselves as if they had gotten a great achievement. They wanted me to sit on the back seat of the minibus. Having had gathered one by one of their forces, they left Kellane while were shouting God is great slogan and chanted God.
   Hear, I noticed that all of them had been putting black garments. I remembered the day of martyrdom of Imam Hossein, an anniversary in which, they are putting such garments.
   Entering to Kellane village, we saw that a lot of people had been gathered before the tea shop. I remembered some of our friends such as Meroof, Habiballa, Jalal and Abbas Gaweli who came from there. Habiballa’s home was just beside of the tea shop. The bus had a stop there. The people knew me and showed their fellow-feeling toward me with their glancing. I asked them to give me some water again; consequently, they had people to bring me some water. Somebody brought me the water into a muddy bowl right away and gave it to me from the window of the minibus. Drinking the water, one of them pointed out not to drink so much and grabbed it. They had a short stop, and then they left the village to go back to the city. Crossing the river and getting on the top of the village, the sunset was going to have its shadow on the land.
   The minibus was going to Kanimshkan that I suddenly remembered the paper we were busy with drawing the form of a shoulder belt which was in my pocket then. There were also a few announcements in my trousers pocket I have to hide or disappear them as I wished. I was sitting on the back seat next to the window, but the papers were in the left. I put my hand into the pocket and cut them into pieces and let them remain there until I would find an opportunity to disappear them. The road was dirt and its bump caused me to suffer the pain on the arm where I was injured. It was almost getting dark when we crossed Kanimshkan. The Sanandaj- Kellane automobiles were surveyed by them. A motorcyclist was going to Kellane; as soon as he understood that there was a temporary roadblock, he did not stop and left them very quickly although he was shot.
   It was dark entirely when the minibus arrived in Hasenabad village. The people, standing on the road, took notice of my capturing. Having had a short stop, the minibus began moving. Taking the opportunity, I was throwing some of the torn papers, once in a while, out of the window of which the wind had a play with.
   The minibus arrived in Sanandaj. I was considering the rout to see where I had been taking: having passed the Taj Street through Hasenabad Road, I found myself in Shashom Bahman Avenue. The minibus continued its way toward the Association of Defending Freedom and Revolution and entered into its yard. It was full of guardians with black garments. One of them asked me to be gotten off. I followed him, and then I was led toward the great lounge. I was asked to sit on a sofa. A question was asked immediately as well: “what my name was.” The guard noted my name down and got away. Until the time he came back, I was spoken sarcastically by most of them. In a standing posture, one of them, who was a coquettish from Tehran, sit on my lap down and insulted me abusively. I pretended that my hand was aching severely; by this way I was left. Comparing these occupiers with our friends had been settling there till two days ago, I found how grateful they were; and how intimately they were behaving oddly. Everything was coming and going in front of my eyes, as if I was watching a movie.
   Half of an hour later, without paying any attention to my injury, someone came back with a folder and asked me to follow him. He led me toward a squad car. As I got on, I noticed that two armed guards were sitting on the back seats and, also the driver and the one who led me there were sitting in the front seats; they were both armed and had the folder with themselves which was a sign of forming a file for me. Through Wakel and Mardokh Street, Kamanger Bridge, and Asle Cahar Avenue the car arrived at Army the 28 or Sanandaj garrison as it was called. Entering into the Army Garrison, they showed an index card and went in. They did not know where the hospital was. I that had served soldiering there few years ago showed them the place. Having arrived at the hospital, they delivered me to the offices. The incident was so.
   In this manner, I explained the whole capturing incident to Ahsan.
   It was the second night Ahasan and I was serving our first days of prisoning. As the space was militarized, an unknown fate pulling us toward itself and any movement seemed impossible. Outside the hospital, nobody knew Ahsan had been arrested during those two days in which he was prisoned there. That night was over anyhow.

Transferring from Sanandaj Garrison

We waked up with the noise of cleaning of the floor by cleaners as usual. Having had breakfast, a few people who hand not dressed military uniform entered the room and asked us to set out accompany with them. Since Ahsan was not able to move, a few people brought him a stretcher and they had him lay on it. They also asked me to go with them. We came into contact with some other people, who had put on the same dress as their colleagues, waiting for us in the corridor we were crossing. They also escorted us to go out of the hospital. Finding ourselves outside of the hospital, we noticed that a white squad car and a military ambulance have been parked near the entrance door. I noticed the sign of the Red Crescent on the ambulance. Ahsan was carried into the ambulance and I was asked to sit next to him. A few armed people with ordinary garments were sitting on the back seats. There were both a sign of panic and a terror on their faces. Finally, the ambulance set out and had a few unusual rips until it got outside of the garrison. It was evident that it had been gotten into difficulty. The squad car also set out and pursued the ambulance whose driver had dressed military uniform. We had no information about the people in the squad car. The ambulance had a short stop. 
   We left the garrison anyhow. We had not gone out of sight that the ambulance stopped once more. It was evident that it has been broken down. The man in charge, in the squad car, opened the door terrifyingly and made us get off. Ahsan was gotten off by them and I got off as well. There was a scene in which a few of the passengers of the squad car came out and took the street cover to take control of the position just prior to our getting off; the rest of the passengers were hung around the ambulance. They had switched their wireless sets up and their sounds were heard everywhere. Another squad car full of guardians got there in a few minute and they had us sit on its back seats. It was impossible for Ahsan to sit and his shot plastery leg was stretched out just like that.
   The condition seemed too unusual. I imagined the time in which the revolutionists of the city were arriving and were rescuing us. They had got into panic at the moment the ambulance could move no more. The intimidated condition and paleness of their faces was evident as if they were waiting to be attacked instantly.
   At this moment, another squad car got there. Radio conversations on their wirelesses indicated that they were in contact with other automobiles. Disputing on the route, they made their decision to go through Mardokh Street. I and Ahsan were hearing all of their words. They were afraid of passing by Aqazaman, an old district almost in the center of the city. One of them, speaking on the radio, disagreed with making such a decision.
   I was sitting on the left and Ahsan on the right. We were delighted in the phobia they have been involved in and did not hide our feeling toward such an anxiety; their panic was a sign of their misery. Exactly, until the moment the cars began moving, few of the passengers taken the street cover to take control of the position remained stretching down. As soon as the automobiles moved, they came back to their first position. The three cars were driving toward the city and the one we had been sitting in was in the middle.
   The space in the back of the car was not so wide; therefore, painful consequence of each puddle was seen on Ahsan’s face. After a few minute, we found ourselves at the beginning of Shapoor Avenue known as Asle Chahar district. At that time, most of the people settled there were from some villages around the city of which I can name some: Nawara, Garmash and, Isyabad; in fact, they were some migrators from these places.
   We were crossing the downward slope of the avenue that I saw my aunt’s husband, Shokrolla, walking on the sidewalk. As soon as he saw me in the car, he was much wondered. I noticed that he was watching the car to see where it was going. As we arrived near to Ostandary, I saw my uncle’s son, Fakhra Rahmati, who was going to Asle Chahar. He had understood that three cars full of armed people were going by. As he had seen Shokrolla, he had found that I was in one of the cars.
   Later on, I understood that Fakhra had been turning about and had chased the cars to see where we were taken. There were many people over Kamanger Bridge, where peasants were gathering on. He had asked them where the cars were going. He had taken Mardokh Street up by their ushering.
   As I mentioned before, the people in escorting cars were in contact with the ones in the car we were carried in by their wirelesses. We were hearing their conversations whenever something was talked about. During the route on the streets from Wakel Street and Eghbal Square to Shashom Bahman Avenue, state of their communications was unusual. At this point, we heard that someone with a van was chasing them. I guessed that it might be Fakhra who was going to knew where we were taken to.
   Passing by the old Police Headquarters, we saw that their fears got more and more and they announced the van was still chasing them. It was impossible for us to see the van because we were both in the middle and visionless. “Reducing its speed in Sharifabad intersection, the van had come to a standstill,” they announced later. The route was taken again until we found ourselves in front of the old Gendarmerie Club that after the revolution had become a domicile of Association for Defending Freedom and Revolution. After the famous calling for attacking Kurdistan by Khomeini, the Black Garments had occupied there. Turning toward the left and entering to the yard of the Association, they reported that the van had gone back. I knew that it was impossible for Fakhra to abandon the chase. Later on, he described that he had gone to Taj Street to find an opportunity to come to know the conclusion. As soon as they had entered into the place the Black Garments lived in, he had left the chase off.
   Entering to the yard, we saw many armed people with black garments. They were busy talking group by group around the pool. There were some others lying down. I understood that they were the same group I and Ashraf were shot by their firing during which I was both injured and captured. Since the noise was so high, it seemed a central base for gathering and distributing.
   We were waited almost for a quarter. Looking forward to finding where we were going, I thought of those who cost their life on freedom and people’s right in such a place; those who had decided to campaign against cruelty among whom I remembered Sedigh Kamangar, Naseh Mardokh, Mozzafar Mohammadi, Jamil Mardokhi, Shoeib Zakaryai and Eioob Nabawi.
   I also remembered the time we took this place cover of which Moftizade’s agents had decide to attack whose act was replied by resistance of the young.
   I started to recall an accident in which nine friends of us were killed; they were a medical team that the Association had them help Torkaman Sahra’s people; they were going to express their immediate sympathy for the catastrophe they had been suffered. Scarifying devotees of this territory is still a sign of sympathizing of them with us who just wanted to obtain the rights they had been deprived. Organizing the historical marching of people from Sanandaj to Mariwan, a campaign by revolutionary strugglers against capturing many revolutionists in our local area was a starting point for us to share other people’s fate.
   I visualized this and many other memories as the pictures of a movie. It was a symbol of those did not lack of moral fiber to create necessary changes in our society.
   I was thinking about such a condition that one of them came back. He had some papers, some cotton and two handkerchiefs with himself. He told us that we were going to be blindfolded. They put the cotton on our eyes and fastened them with the handkerchiefs. After a moment the car set out. I did not understand why our eyes were blindfolded. I thought that they had been making us ready to be setting out to the executing range.

Airport of Sanandaj

The car, we were carried in, came out of the Association yard. I had the route in mind to perceive where we were taken to. It turned toward the left. It was evident that it was traversing the Kermanshah road. Stopping a few minutes later, the car switched off somewhere. It was too much noisy. They had me take the handkerchief blindfolded my eyes and I did it. I found myself near the police station, located on Kermanshah road, not far from the airport. It was also militarized completely. Many cars had been waiting to be surveyed in line. Those who had gotten us to be moved spoke to the Guardians settled there and we were led toward the airport.
   I got off on the airport and began walking behind the guard made me chase him. Many others brought a stretcher and had Ahsan lay on it, and then he was brought to the aerodrome building. Entering to the entrance door and leading to a direction, we were asked to go down the stairs. As a result, we found ourselves in an almost small 2×3 room. Since the direction was too narrow, it was impossible for Ahsan to be moved lying down the stretcher. Consequently, he was taken to the upper place anyhow. Later on, Ahsan told me that he was taken there aided by few guardians. This room was one of the control tower rooms which was empty. They brought a few blanket belonging to the army and covered the room with. Lying  down  on a  
blanket on the upper part, Ahsan was using the blankets both as a pillow and a resting place for his leg. Guarding also became something fashionable. Considering the condition, I realized that Ahsan needed the turban urgently; therefore, I gave it to him which had hung my hand from the neck. It is possible for everyone to have a look on the scene of the execution, on page 138-149, in which Ahsan’s eyes had been fasten with the same turban lying down the stretcher to be shot.
   We were alone now and it was possible for us to have a long talk with each other. Few hours later, an agent of the regime, Abdolla Yara, who knew both me and my uncle, came to us and told me that the whole members of my family had been gathering together out of the airport; he had been asked to have a talk with me anyhow. It was evident he was able to do nothing; furthermore, he was unreliable. In view of the fact that he was an agent of the regime, I did not send a massage for my family by him and he left us consequently. There was no doubt that Fakhre had done well; by following us, he had found the place out we had been putting in jail there. We contemplated the place we were put in. We were near the control place of the airport on the second floor. It was possible to see a part of the band of the airport.
   Having described the process I was arrested in, I was looking forward to hear from Ahsan, that how had he been arrested. Therefore, everything was brought the space about to hear from him.
   As far as I remember, he described the process in this manner: “we used to live in Tehran. Now, the whole members of the family are living there. After dwelling there and obtaining a diploma, I chose the Polytechnic University to be graduated from. I got acquainted with a few supporters of the Organization of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerrillas. After the revolution, this friendship became something earnest and I was accepted as a member of them. As I was a Kurd, I was sent on a duty to Kurdistan by the parent organization and became a member for its Kurdish branch. I took part in a conflict between peasants and feudalists in a region located between Saqiz and Diwandara; the feudalists were going to repress the struggle during which their lands have been divided among the peasants. During campaign against feudalists many Guilds and Organizations participated in that anti-feudal movement; they consisted of Rural Guilds from Mariwan and Diwandara, Associations from Saqiz and Bokan, Equalitarian Society and our Organization. During the campaign, many landowners were killed and the rest ran away; furthermore, two people from other Kurdish political organizations, Yahia Khatooni from Toilers’ Revolutionary Organization and Sayyid Rashid from Equalitarian Society gave their life up. Besides, a pioneer from Iraqi Kurdistan Patriot Union gave his life up.
   Few days after the fight, Jamil Yaxchali, my brother Shahryar a medical junior student come to visit me in Kurdistan and another one from Kermanshah, and I moved from Mariwan to Sanandaj. Inspecting the car belonging to Organization of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerrillas by gendarmerie post, they found many hidden weapons and some documents in it. Consequently, we were arrested as anti-regime forces. The one from Kermanshah escaped immediately and saved himself from capturing. As soon as he got free from captivity, they assembled and prevailed over us. They imprisoned us into a room seemed somewhere specific for jailing as if we were kept temporarily. Having arrested someone else before us, he was recalled to somewhere else after a short time and they had him leave there. Most of the armed guards settled there were jash. Since they had discovered many weapons and documents, a great danger was threatening us at that time and it was possible for governmental forces to use them against us. We had to do something as early as possible unless they could turn us over Army of the Guardians. We asked for each other’s opinion about escaping and finally we came to this idea that there was no way except running away.
   Having gone to be transferred, we carried our decision out. We found ourselves at a channel, formed by water pressure in the vicinity of the place, when we crossed the post on a hill. We were shot by the guards, but were not hit with the bullet. As we had considered the route before, we moved separating from each other in a spiral curve. They shouted at us to stop many a time, but we had made our decision. I was shot and wounded on the leg just where the channel was parting into ways. I tried to draw myself near my friends and I did so for a few steps, although it was impossible for me to move any longer. They were unaware of the injury I had received to my leg yet. Those who were chasing us were not so close to the place we had gotten there; as a result, we were under the volley of their bullets. Jamil and Shahryar took notice of my absence finally. They came back immediately and tried to help me running away. I had received the bullet on the leg. Having hung my hands over their shoulders, they were going to do something, but I was helpless to walk anymore. Consequently, they changed the route of the channel. We were pacing up and down and it was getting us tired. We were under the volley of their bullets continually. As we got away from them, we found ourselves in a region covered with trees and there was a plot of flat land among the trees. There had been putting some piles of clover to be dried. We spoke to the person working on the land to conceal us. Hearing the sound of the shooting, he got into a panic and had doubts whether he could help us or not. The jash and the guardians had got closer. I asked Jamil and Shahryar to leave me alone and find somewhere to conceal, but they heard me no longer. They decided to conceal me under a pile of the clover for they were not able to carry me any longer while the jash had got closer more than few minutes ago. The one working on the land was terrified seriously. After hiding me under a pile of clover and some other cut grasses, my friends concealed themselves among the trees in the vicinity of the mentioned land so that nothing remain hidden under their eyes to see what would happen next.
   The jash got there and the owner of the land was called by one of them to show himself up. Being afraid of the condition, it was evident he had hidden himself from them. After all, he came out and introduced himself to them while my friends were observing the scene without hearing any word from them. Having spoken to the owner of the land, they began looking for us everywhere. Knowing the fact that we were armless, they were asking us to be surrendered openly. I was both motionless and in pain under the clover. The warm was intolerable too; especially, the pain on my leg was tormented. The jash were busy with turning the piles of clover when they find me under one of them. Having observed the scene in which I was captured, Jamil and Shahryar came out of their hidden place and gave themselves up. They could escape from the perilous situation and save themselves from that dilemma, but they did not do so. It was evident that they did not want to leave alone. They tied their hands with string and returned us to the gendarmerie post. Immediately, they transferred us to Sanandaj. I was brought to the garrison hospital to receive medical treatment and I do not know where my friends are right now; this annoys me a lot so that I feel I have been gripped by my guilty conscience.”
   After I spoke affably to him, I mentioned that you have faced with such a condition in any case and you must not reproach yourself because it was possible for you to do nothing anyhow. He did not notice to this point and remained dreadfully upset on one hand and considered himself someone sinful seriously on the other; how highly he must have had esteem for his friends who had hazarded their lives for him! We were talking to each other that they brought Jamil and Shahryar to the room we had imprisoned there.
   That scene remains something unforgettable. Remembering such a state after twenty eight years, it still tormenting; how Jamil and the two brothers embraced each other eagerly! How they were staring at each other’s eyes once in a while! How they were embracing each other’s again and again submerging in kissing as if seeing one another seemed something incredible! Visiting once more in a sudden was an unbelievable dream for every one of them.
   They did not recognize me. Jamil Yaxchali was from Sanandaj, but I did not know him. Having introduced to each other by Ahsan, we spoke to one another about different subjects. Consequently, we got in contact with each other more heartily. We told of everything: past time and our childhood. Some memories were restored for Shahryar and he spoke of them little by little. Both Jamil and Shahryar were so glad, since they could see their friends, Ahsan, again.
   They spoke both the howness of the process in which they had been captured and their transferring to gendarmerie prison in Sanandaj; they also mentioned to their detention there. During those few days, Jamil could meet his family in cooperation with a friend of their family. His family had made an attempt to set him at liberty, but their attempt had remained unsuccessful.
   At that time, they brought us some papers and we were asked to write both the howness of our capturing and our biography. They began busy with the papers and I wrote the adventure of myself irrelevant to their dossier and I delivered it afterward.
   Having transferred Jamil and Shahryar to our room, a young guard with both a stubble beard and a guardian garment was coming occasionally to have an argument with us. He was saying: “what Kurdish people are searching for; they are counterrevolutionary and separatists; and they are going to separate from Iran to form their own independent government.” He behaved us dishonestly; furthermore, he was insulting Kurdish girls and women. Showing our opposition and protest against his behavior, we made him to talk with us as a man if he has any word to say; finally, he was persuaded to have a discussion rather than insulting. We defended Kurdish campaign against his ideas in accordance with a particular view we were analyzing every phenomenon at that time. Whenever we were involving in discussion, it took us almost half an hour. We were making him to listen to our reasons whenever we were reacting his point of view. We had no idea what he was searching for, but the effects of our argumentations were observable at later process during which we were tried by Khalkhali’s show trials, i.e., our discussions were reflected in our dossiers.
   Elapsing that day was the same as captives, during which we spoke of different topics such as people’s campaign in Iran especially Kurdistan. We not only remembered our childhood in our district near to Molla Weisi Bridge, but also we recalled the years we experienced them in accompany with our friends Takesh Bekas and Newrooz Ganci. Waiting to see what would happen to us, that afternoon and the night got along.


The next day in the morning, we were informed that a mullah, using the title Dr., called Hashtroodi, the Ayatollah, had come to Sanandaj. He had dressed like a mullah with a turban around his body from other parts of the country to investigate the arrested people, or to bring a condition about another reactionary mullah to kill some other innocent people. We had no information of the job he was busy with; his social status, his personality or character. It was quite likely that he must have been an important agent of the Islamic Republic Regime.
   They took Jamil and Shahryar to the ground floor of the building to be investigated. When they came back, they were speaking about their answers to the investigator. I and Ahsan had to go to be investigated too. Since coming and going back through the stairs was difficult for Ahsan, jailers decided to take us to a room on the same ground floor we were jailed there anyhow. We were informed of the case by those who were in contact with us.
   Jamil, Shahryar and I were gone down first, and then Ahsan was brought there. The room was relatively small as if it was specific to the guardians; accordingly, there was a guard in front of the door. The door of the room was open and we could see the guard. The first  
observable things which attracted our attention were the weapons and military equipment hung from the wall. It was possible for us to guess different probabilities. Did they show the weapons to test our reaction with or it was just showing their carelessness? However, it was hesitating. At the moment, they brought Ahsan to be investigated; after a short time, he was sent back. Presence of weapons and military equipment had occupied our mind; therefore, we had a glance at them once in a while. It was Jamil and Shahryar’s turn again. They have been taking one by one and again. Their dossier was not apart from each other; consequently, they were taking one of them into the room while the other one was being brought back.
   There was found an opportunity in which we could gather together for a few minute. It was my turn and I was ready to go to Hashtroodi. Ahsan said: “it is possible for us to use the weapons and save ourselves in a running fight.” We spoke of a possibility according to which it was possible for them to have laid a trap for us. Furthermore, we reviewed the condition; in view of the fact that I and Ahsan were injured, we came to this idea that it was impossible for us to do something. Such an action would set their face against us definitely. Even, it was impossible for us to go out of the room we were in. In the meantime, we were not assured of using the mentioned weapons, so our outlook to do something remained doubtful. Besides, we were so powerless to take a manoeuvre; we had been killed certainly if we have taken such an action.
   We had got involving a debate that the guards came to us. They asked us quickly to be ready to go to the upper room; finally, they led us to the previous room. We asked that what has happened. They explained that there has been taking place a demonstration, in the city, in which people both had attacked the governmental offices and had broken the glass of many banks. Later on, we heard that the crowd had shouted setting liberty of the prisoners and were going to attack the airport. During the demonstration, some of the demonstrators had been arrested. There was a tumult of shots and yells through the corridor; in addition, the traffic of the guardians seemed unusual. It was a sign of their terror of which they had lost their tranquility extremely. I was not investigated. They had just the papers on which I had written down some notes on the howness of my capturing. Dr. Hashtroodi had gone back to Tehran by an airplane at the same time. We did not see him to be investigated anymore. The cause of his absence could be guessed easily: frightening of the movement by people. I did not encounter to him directly; I had seen him with his garment specific to mullahs without putting his turban, the time we were taken to the room located lower than the place in which they were going us to be investigated.
   In the control tower room, debating was begun once more. Each one spoke of the way we had been investigated while every one of us endeavored to adopt a realistic attitude to their self-contradictions without having any desire. In view of the fact that I was unaware of the detail, I said nothing. After a while, each one was thinking of the dark fate was waiting to us compulsorily. Talking of scattered matters for a long time, that day was ended too.

 House of Detention

They informed us to make ourselves ready at about seven or eight o’clock. They were going to change the room we were imprisoned there. At first, a few armed guardians surrounded us, and then they brought me, Jamil Yaxchali and Shahryar Nahid down from the neighboring room and, finally, they led us out of the building. It was getting dark already, so the weather was not well lit. We passed an area specific to both the parking and the building. They did not explain where we were going to. They carried us to a separate building in the airplane compound. Going through the entrance door, we found ourselves inside the building. In the corridor, they asked us to go to a room whose door was metallic. There was a lid on the door through which they were getting into contact with the people inside. As they opened the door, we met some other arrested people there. The room was relatively dim and there were just a few small windows. It was the house of detention in which arrested people were kept into two separate rooms. However, we were gone to one of them. As we entered the room, we were accepted by the prisoners in a friendly manner. After greetings and meetings, every one of us expressed his happiness. They had arrested an elderly man with his son. He seemed older than anyone else in the room; therefore, he was called dad by the others. He was arrested because of his son; otherwise he was free from any charges. He had asked the guardians 
 to assist his son and they had accepted his wish. It was him that was comforting all of us and played his role as a father for those arrested in.
   We were glad inasmuch as we had joined them. Now, grand total of the arrested was ten. We were waiting for Ahsan that few minutes later he was joined to us. As a result, there was eleven people right then. I saw Naser Selimi there, who, had been captured in a district of the city, Jorabad; he had been accused of taking part into a fight against the guardians in which his hands has been wounded, whereas it was not correct. He himself explained that his hand had been wounded in their kitchen. Hearing his points, I felt he had been made a heavy file for. He did not speak too much. I had heard of him by his friends in Mariwan. Although, I had been told of him, there was no any relationship between us yet. As soon as he saw me, he was very glad and we exchanged greetings with one another.
   I knew few others such as Attaolla Zandi a talented political activist. He had a doctrine on problems in Kurdistan with a historical sociopolitical attitude. He was said that he had been a member for Revolutionary Committee of Democratic Party in previous years. Moreover, Ata, Sasan Partway and Asghar Mobaseri had been arrested on the road to Sanandaj-Kamyaran near the Gawshan tunnel few days before. They were accused of carrying grenades and mortar-shell. They had been kept for a few days there. The time they called to pray in the evening, I noticed that three of our co-prisoners began busy with saying their prayers. Saying one’s prayers at that time was not so astonishing neither for me nor the others; accordingly, it might be expedient to comfort their anxiety and it could be guessed easily since their accusations was not so light. Later on, Ata enlightened such an action. Among all of us, Sasan was not behaving so friendly toward the others and he was alone most of the time.
   Another young man was seen among the prisoners. He was about eighteen whose name was Mozzafar; he was accused of having a gun. He said: “they accuse me of having shot to the guardians while I don’t have the slightest idea and I’m sure they’re framing me.”
   As I mentioned before, there was another room, full of arrested people, in the vicinity of ours. Since we were newcomers, we did not know whom they were. Asghar said: “among them, I knew two: Najmadin Golparwar from our district and Yedolla Foolladi who has been arrested during the demonstration.”
   A terrifying and horrible circumstance enveloping everyone for fear of which they had kept silence. To break such a condition, I recommended Ata for arranging a program in which we could both sing and recite poetry. It was received gladly by him; therefore, we put it up for discussion. Having welcomed by our co-prisoners, each one began singing songs or reciting poems. Singing practicable poetry or songs in chorus, all of us experienced new emotionally feelings. We did this to improve morale of people ignorant of their fate of whom we were their members.  Everyone took his part and let go whatever he remembered; they began reciting poems and singing songs from both Iranian and Kurdish poets to great famous voices from Iraqi Kurdistan such as Alimardan, Tahir Tewfiq, Refiq Chalac and so on. The famous Kurdish song, Bloody Flower, and famous Persian anthem, the Auspicious Springs, by Keramatolla Daneshyan were sung. The song of dawn bird in Persian, as well as Blond Hair, Pale Lip and, Incarnadined Face composed by Qanè and Goran decorated our last prisoning nights.

Show Trials

Having sung and recited poems, the arrested people were being gone to be put on trial. Those who were summoned to their so called court were coming back to us after a while. At this moment, they were speaking of being tried. This so called show trials were not compatible with any common or uncommon laws. There was neither a judge and a prosecuting attorney nor a defense attorney and a recording officer. It would be even neither contrast nor compare with any other military court happen in wartimes in which the injured people are put on trial when they are recovered. It is also possible for no one to adopt such an action neither to human rights nor international laws.
   According to his Imam’s decree, a mullah had decided to intimidate Kurdish people by taking severe measure. After massacring people in Pawa, they were going to commit the same crime again by suppressing and moving people back in other cities of Kurdistan on one hand, and taking their freedom away and setting them against death squad on the other.
   The first ones, i.e. Ata Zandi, Sasan Partway and Asghar Mobaseri were being summoned one after another constantly; bringing and carrying them for several times, they were touched more and more.  
Ata told me personally that there was a mullah sought excuses in the investigation. Then, Ahsan and Shahryar Nahi and Jamil Yaxchali were taken in turn. Investigative procedures were continued. It was about after ten. It was possible for no one to go to sleep. Everybody was waited to see whether their friends will return back; moreover, they paid particular attention to see what the details of the investigative procedures would be.
   Mozzafar Rahimi was gone to Khalkhali. The time he came back to us was quiet, but he was retelling the thing he was accused of. He was objecting to what they were going to impose him as someone shooting the guardians.
   Many a time, Naser Selimi was gone to Khalkhali. The time he came back, he was very angry. He said: “they are persisting I had been injured in an armed struggle; furthermore, they are relying on the words of those arrested at our home.” The condition was so unusual and full of intimidation of which no one was free from.
   The time struck one after the midnight when I was called. I was brought toward the aerodrome building when I came out of the house of detention. When I was carrying, I noticed that other prisoners were also taking to Khalkhali in this manner. When I got into the corridor, it was very noisy. A great number of armed people were coming and going. I was led to a room. As soon as I went in, I encountered a tall man with a white garment wearing dark spectacles.
   The mentioned tall man put my dossier on the desk in front of him. Having turned its pages over first, he addressed the people there and said: “it lacks of investigative foliates.” They expressed their unawareness of the case. He gave me a page and asked me to write the way I was arrested in. While I started to write, I understand that the next room was crowded. I saw a mullah talking to Sasan Partway when I looked around to see what was going on. I remembered Ata’s words about a mullah sought excuses in the investigations.
   In the meantime I was writing my biography, I mentioned that I was going to Dadane in which I was a teacher and I had to organize the summer reexamination. In the middle of the way, I encountered with the guardians’ car; eventually I began running away. In addition to the fact that I was shot, extra problems brought me to a heel of which I was both injured and arrested. I wrote these notes down on the paper and then I delivered it to them.
   “What did you do with your gun?” I was asked by the investigator. I expressed my unawareness of the case. Moreover, I explained that I am a teacher and it is possible for you to ask whether I am right or not. He asked: “where did the other armed people run away you were accompanied by?” I denied the accusation anyhow.
   He did not ask any question about Ashraf Rahimi from Malaksahan village. I was being questioned by him according to the Black Garments’ reports, and I either was denying or expressing my unawareness of the case. I remembered the time I must have been investigated by Hashtroodi during which the investigation remained unfinished; for the reason there was not any paper or file on the issue to have been signed by him. Therefore, the file was incomplete. By such questioning and making everything available, they were going to send me to Khalkhali. He told me that you have been talking of Kurdish people’s right. I answered: “yes, you’re right. I spoke to one of your local authorities who was insulting Kurdish people and I just protested against his words.” I could elude his question anyhow. There was a page in the file from the council of the Dadane village in which they had declared that I had been going to hold the summer reexamination. He pointed this case out and said that there was such a letter in the file. Having influenced during the meeting I had with my aunts in the garrison, my family had to take an immediate action to add such an attachment to the file I was made for. The one spoke to me ordered to return me back to the house of detention. Thus, they did not send me to Khalkhali incidentally.
   They returned me to the house of detention again. Ata was wandered when I narrated the whole process of questioning to him. I was waiting to be called again as the time was going by. If I had evaluated such questioning as an investigating attempt, I must have gone to Khalkhali. However, I was called no more. I myself had an opinion according to which lacking of investigative foliates should be signed by Hashtroodi on the file and also presence of the letter from council of the village I was teaching in, was a great help not to be gone to Khalkhali. Now that I am breathing at a later time more far from that occasion, it is still more difficult to believe I am alive; how incredible living again is; and how harmful living in perilous situation is.
   A surprising terror had prevailed over us and it was being increased as the dim light of the room was leading any ray of hope toward a deteriorated condition as much again. Having been a dad for all of us, the father, assisting his son, was making an effort to comfort every one; mentioning to Ahsan in tears was saying: “he’d to be either confined to bed or hospitalized in a specific sanitary place whereas taken captive with both an injured thigh and a plastered leg.” I will never forget his nice fatherly and friendly visage strengthening us to be more powerful. Similar to his intimate behavior, he was wearing plain cloths. He had put on a white meshy hat conforming to his white beard. The condition seemed more difficult: it was possible for no one to go to sleep; everyone was coming and going; furthermore, whoever was going out to the toilet, the door was opening and closing constantly. As a result, if there was any to go to sleep, he was deprived of his privilege.
   At about three o’clock, after the midnight, the door of the house of detention was opened and two other people came in: Habibolla Biglari and dervish Isa Pirwali. I did not know them very well anyhow.
   There was said that they had been confined in a prison in Kermanshah. Since they had to be moved to somewhere else, they had been told to make ready themselves. Consequently, they had been transferred to Sanandaj then. They said: “we’re expecting that our car must be attacked on the way from Kermanshah to Sanandaj; we’re expected to be rescued.” In the meantime, they spoke of the guards’ horror in the car. They also mentioned that they were not aware of the place they were going to be transferred. “We didn’t know we’re in Sanandaj until we saw you here,” they said. All of us gathered around them. They told us of their ordinary co-prisoners and also the bad condition they had to live in.
   Speaking of a mullah putting everyone on trial, we, too, explained that from nine o’clock to later hours, our co-prisoners had been under examining one by one.
   Since some of our room-mates were so tired, they went to sleep; nevertheless, due to the fact that they looked so worry, most of them remained napless. The faint sign of twilight was going to lurk beyond the darkness whereas taking and going our co-prisoners to Khalkhali had not finished yet. The other co-prisoners next to our room had involved the same fate as we did; in fact, they were experiencing our crucial moment. We were unaware of the howness and whatness of their questionings. We just were listening to opening and closing of their door which was indicating that investigation had not finished yet. As all of us were tired, each one stretched his hands out; in fact, no stamina remained for anybody to think anymore and we got asleep eventually.
   We got up in the morning at eight. The time we had breakfast, the show trial was not finished yet. Naser Selimi was taken to Khalkhali again; returning back, he was cursing any sign of inequities angrily.
   To put Habibolla Biglari on trial, he was taken to Khalkhali. He was entirely quiet, when he came back to us. Having absolutely accused of murdering Shater Mamad over the same period, Isa Pirwali, was worried exceedingly; he was taken to Khalkhali for several times. Denying such an action, he had expressed his unawareness of the case. The time he came back for the last time, it was impossible for him to speak no longer. Trying to comfort him, Naser Selimi sat beside him; they began speaking with each other. Both of them got involved in the same condition as they griped with; furthermore, they were getting on in years and their words was not trustworthy for the regime’s agents.
   Naser came to me and said: “I’m sure Isa Pirwali has been asked to collaborate with the enemy.” I was so surprised by such an expression. I replied: “how have you concluded such an idea? He must not be accused of anything.” He had perceived such an idea during the brief talking he had with Pirwali. He said: “I’m gonna have a speech with him again.” As a result he went back to Pirwali. They were busy with talking that Naser addressed the arrested people and said: “Pirwali is gonna have a word with you.” Everyone got quiet to see what he was going to say. In a gloomy voice but in tears, he began speaking:
   “I’ve been accused of murdering Shater Mamad; substantially, I knew nothing about him. I’ve been investigated again and again on the issue. They’re gonna impose such an accusation on me. I’ll neither accept nor take any responsibility for doing so. The last time I was taken to be investigated again, I was demanded to cooperate with them. They asked me to provide them with necessary information about you and retell them what I hear from you. I’m not disloyal to my compatriots. You’re like either my brothers or my children. More important is that I won’t fall any guys to rescue my life. They told me that if I inform them they’ll release me, but I’ll commit no treason to you.”
   There was no body not to be flabbergasted by delivering his speech. There was also seen not any movement; absence or lacking of any voice prevailed over us for a few minutes. Dervish Isa Pirwali was worry and anxious; it was pressing his both life and soul. The circumstance was completely depressing, especially the time Pirwali was taken for the last time. There was found nobody not to be touched by the accident; everyone was anxious about his fate because he was not only responsible to his family, but also was irrelevant to any political movement. Coming back, without any introductory words, he said: “I was taken to the mullah you were speaking about; he repeated what the others had pointed out. These criminals have mercy to nobody, and they have mercy for my children either. They’re not going to believe I’ve not played any role in murdering of Shater Mamad.”
   From eight to twelve Ahsan and his friends were taken to Khalkhali again; however, the atmosphere wan not apprehensive and everyone had found comfort in a corner busy with talking.


In the afternoon, at about one o’clock, in which the circumstance of the house of detention was still prevailed with silence and each one suffered from insomnia, the anxiety had risen from the show trial converting the space more wearisome. Our co-prisoners were busy talking to one another. The silence was broke with opening of the door at about two or three o’clock. A guardian appeared in the middle of the door. Unfolding a paper, he asked us to pay our attention to what he is going to declare. Accordingly, we remained silent to see what was going to announce. He said: whoever I call, he has to make himself ready:
1. Ahsan Nahid
2. Shahryar Nahid
3. Jamil Yaxchali
4. Mozzafar Rahimi
5. Attaolla Zandi
6. Asghar Mobaseri
7. Isa Pirwali 
8. Naser Selimi
   Doubtlessly, something was going to be happen, for whenever they summoned us, we were being called up one by one. Nevertheless, they called us collectively this time. Our co-prisoners were asked to follow the guardians. Consequently, they were busy with making themselves ready and making efforts to move. Having put their shoes on, the guardian pointed out strictly that everyone has to put their shoes on. The circumstance was altered considerably and everyone was going to put his shoes on; finally, they were led out.
   During the time they had locked us up, both in the hospital and in the house of detention, in prison, we were unaware of executing other innocent people in other cities of Kurdistan except Pawa. In fact, during the past two days, we were not in contact with the outside on the one hand, and it was forbidden, both for me, Ahsan, Shahryar, and Jamil, to visit our family on the other hand. We heard from nobody if they have met anyone else. Do they take our co-prisoners to have a meeting with their family? Why eight people? Why collectively? All of those people, whom were called, were waited to be free and go out of the house of detention one by one. Unable to move among them was Ahsan; having hung his hand on the necks of Jamil and Shahryar, he stood on his healthy foot first and then moved with the aid of them. As I had lived with Ahsan for a few nights and I was worried about him, without any hesitation, I asked them: “where’re they being carried?” The guardian who had declared the paper, answered: “to Kermanshah.” His answer was questionable because Isa and Habiballa Pirwali had been transferred here directly from Kermansha about twelve hours before.
   A perilous silence prevailed over those whose names were absent on the list and remained at the house of detention. The mournful space of the empty prison had surrounded our loneliness. Nobody was talking to somebody. Of course, there were not anyone except Habibolla Biglari and his son, Sasan Partway and I. At about half an hour later, an ear-splitting noise of a helicopter was heard closed to the house of detention. It was so closed that its noise not only was reflected in our room but also was shaking it harshly. Having cut off the noise, coming and going of the government officials, in the corridor, reached into its highest level. Everything was indicating an unusual condition following a new intimidation. We were informed of nothing; having missed our friends a lot, we began to ponder. This situation was calling the day Ahsan and his friends were taken to Hashtroodi; during the investigation, he had showed a clean pair of heels. No news of the case, we did not know where our friends were taken to; nevertheless, an overwhelming sense of catastrophe was going on and so forth.
   After a while, somebody who had made a stand against entering to the house of detention was pushed in and the door was closed simultaneously. He was a brawny man. As he looked us, I recognized him right away. I knew him from the time he was at high school; Mohammad Hussein Wahdani a famous wrestler. Since the room we were kept in has been vacated, it was filling again by entering some newcomers. Looked panicky, he began kicking up a row by striking the door with the fist and continually was pointing out that he was innocent. Shouting and swearing in an unusual manner, he was saying: “I’m innocent; you must free me; I’ve committed no sin.” We had no idea why he was so panicky and what the reason was that he was insisting to be free in such a way. He was notified for several times, but he did not hear of it and incessantly protesting about his case. His state looked like someone weeping. Catching the bar of the lid on the door, he had a look on us once in a while and without interchanging any word he was returning to the door again and with a more powerful yelling: “I’m innocent.” He continued such a manner, until they came and took him away. In the meantime he became our co-prisoner, he did not leave the door and told us no word. May be he was informed of the outside. He tried to do his best to free from such a condition, of which our friends got involved, unless he would encounter the same fate as our friends. It was a motive not to stop perhaps he would be saved. As one ought to do something, he was possibly not going to involve the same fate as we did. I remembered that his brother, Yadullah Wahdani a policeman, took part in suppressing popular uprising in Sanandaj; he was attributed of killing Mr. Daqhiqh who was running a confectioner’s shop. It could be considered as a factor struck terror into his heart.
   All of us were getting along with a silence full of anxiety. A profound grief has seized us by the collar. Through the lid on the door, I was called to go out in such a condition. We had no news of our friends yet. I put my shoes on in such a way that as if they were a pair of slippers; I was looking forward to go out anyhow. A guard opened the door and I followed him. I had not gotten away from the room yet that I saw my father weeping. They were going to lead him into a room. He had come there to meet me. I was led to the same room in which we might have visited each other. As soon as we found ourselves in the room, we greeted one another with warm embraces. I began sobbing as he was sobbing sympathetically. He embraced me in such a way that I had never experienced such a kindly behavior by him. I understood that it was a sign to comprehend what was going to be happening outside of that dark place. He was well-informed of everything, particularly the executions.
   “I told you not to go to the village. You were going to have your eyes be damaged. What a misery you were going to experience in order to help the others!” He pointed these words out. He looked at me as if I had been born newly. Impossible for him to see me again, he was speaking to me with the same manner I mentioned before. A guard was looking after us to see what our conversations would be. He was listening to us; I later on understood that we were not on the same wavelength. After a while, he felt tranquility and began pointing some important clues out perhaps I could find them out. I perceived his hints and took notice that many people have been put to death; in the meantime, few others have been looking the scene of executing not very far from the airport. At that time, I realized that our friends had experienced death squad finally. I showed no reaction. Eventually, he mentioned that many of our close relatives were waited, for hours, near the police station to have a visit with me; and that they have not been permitted coming in anyhow. He continued: “having pleaded a lot, I found an opportunity to come in. They are so worry about you.” He wanted me to understand that they have been either looking the scene or gaining the news of execution.
   Having left us, our friends had not been transferred to Kermanshah rather they had been gone to the executing range and were executed right then accompany with three other people imprisoned next to our ward; it became evident hours later: 1. Genral Khosro Nyazmandi, 2. Yadullah Foolladi, and 3. Syrous Manoocheri were the three other people executed accompany with our co-prisoners.
   Visiting time rushed soon. Being grief-stricken, I came back to the ward and explained the whole event for our remaining co-prisoners; in addition, I expressed my own interpretation. Having heard such a terrifying incident, they became anxious and could say nothing for a long time. A heavy silence struck the circumstance accordingly. I thought of the moments we were busy with singing and reciting poetry the night before.
   Something important not to be neglected is that Mohammad Hussein Wahdani had understood such a terrifying occurrence; that was why he was so chaotic and distressed. The suffocating atmosphere has weaved the ward as well. The rest of us had nothing to interchange with one another; in the same way, the faint light of the space had increased twofold so that it became something intolerable.
   The old man accompany with his son were set free on the same day, on the condition that he had to prevent his son not take part in any political activities.
   Three days were passed without paying any attention to the wound I had on my hand. There was neither a doctor nor a medical assistant. If there were any, we will be assisted by none of them. The only injured one among us was I.
   On the third day, I was looked through the lid on the upper part of the door once more and I was asked to make myself ready to be gone out. I had no idea where I was gone, or what my fate will be. As I left the ward, I was told to put my own shoes on. Recalling of our friends and caring for them prevailed over me in a sudden.
   Crossing the corridor, I entered into a room. My father and my aunt’s husband were waited there. The guardian, who had fixed his eyes on us, during our first meeting, was standing next to them.
   I took notice of carrying a title deed, by them, belonging to one of my family with which I could gain my freedom. It was evident that my father has been asked to do so, during the visiting time, few days before. Therefore, I was going to be freed on bail. It was impossible for me to believe my life is being saved from a perilous situation easily. The council of the Dadane village had confirmed the claim, based on organizing the summer reexamination there, I had represented before. From the outbreak of Iranian revolution to summer vacation, I had not suspended teaching students thereafter except on holidays in which I was going back to Sanandaj. At that time, neither regime could rule over Kurdistan nor could its agents. The only possibilities were these factors with which I could gain freedom and catch a deep breath eventually.

etting Free from Prison

Having set me free from prison, my father, some other relatives who were waiting outside of the airport, and I moved toward the city accompany with one another. Entering to the city, we found it helpless with no clamorous agitation as it used to be after the revolution as if both people and the city had been captive by such barbaric enemies. We got off the car in front of our house. As the door was opened, we saw many people had been gathered in. My mother embraced me warmly in tears as soon as I entered into the yard. Asking her to be patient and happy, I said: “I’m safe and you must be very glad.” She answered: “I’m so glad, but you, the young, are unable to understand us. Look my son, you can have your ideas, but you have to consider us.” It was her belief and she persuaded me to keep my own ideas not on the price of neglecting their feelings although she was not ignorant to the fact that the way we must pave for was not at the door rather it was both lengthy and risky.
   Those who had come, to see me, let me be alone after few hours. Suffering from such insomnia, and hearing how my close friends had been executed in such a fraught situation on one hand, and narrating what an exhausting condition we had experienced to the visitors on the other hand, I felt I had to have a rest. Taking a pillow under my injured hand, I went to sleep. A close friend of mine came to see  me 
 when the sun had not disappeared yet. He was aware of everything specifically the condition prevailing all over the cities in Kurdistan particularly Sanadaj. We spoke of the role played by regime’s agents in the zone. “Moftizade’s agents were prevented to take part in the funeral ceremonies of the executed people; moreover, these mercenaries are brought at bay day by day,” he mentioned, “using these agents as far as they provide for governors, the regime throws them away as rubbish subsequently just as facial tissues. It’s possible for us to see such examples in the history. These’re respectful neither in the court of the governors, nor in the people’s heart.” He spoke of another massacring in Pawa, in which seven other innocent people have been executed. Carrying out a raid, Kurdistan was occupied by the repressive forces basically.
   In the meanwhile, outcry sound of numbers of people staged a demonstration over the Molla Weisi Bridge was heard; it was within walking distance of our house as I mentioned before. Easily to observe what was up, we claimed to the housetop at once. Opening fire on them, the demonstrators were pacing over the bridge. Marching of demonstrators collapsed as soon as they were fired by supporters of the ignorance. Trying to save from any aggression or capturing, people taking the public protest were scattered into the districts nearby such as Razan the alley, and Aqazaman the alleyway. The guardians’ cars, which were on demonstrators to be tracked, savagely attacked on them. Many of them escaped through a newly-covered river nearby. They opened fire on people just opposite to our house. Somebody was fired with a gun; he was approached by a woman immediately. Finding him injured, she asked if there was anyone to help. In view of the fact that people were under fire, he remained helpless. At this moment, the guardians got there. We were watching the whole scene at close. Later on, we were informed that the injured one was Mansoor Alagheman Bahrami.
   In order to brand such a crime to others and pretend that the bullets were not shot by them, they pretended that the shooting had been taken place from the newly-building house which was of ours. At that time, we were busy with building a new house in front of our old one. As far as my father heard such a claim, he run at them quickly and asked them to come and have a look into the house, in spite of the fact that he knew I might encounter a new problem. He told them manifestly: “it’s my house.” He was so angry that he paid no attention to the condition in which I might be trapped again.
   Hearing both my father’s remarks and groundless statements by the guardians, my friend thought of a way through which he could possibly rescue himself. It was evident that if they could enter into our home, he was being encountered a perilous situation for he was relatively someone famous. He jumped immediately over a short wall beside our neighbor’s. Crossing this alley and passing that lane, he rescued himself from danger anyhow. As the guardians found it difficult to ascribe their crime to us, they get into contact with an emergency service for an immediate attempt; besides, the weather was getting dark slowly and the guardians lacked the dare to stay anymore. After a few minutes, an ambulance got there and took the body of Mansoor. Unfortunately, he died in the hospital and his corpse was delivered to his family. Panicky and frightened, they left there without any delaying and mentioned no more of the place from which the gun had been fired.
   We came back into the room too. My mother and father were worried and thought of a way to seek a remedy. We have been exposed to danger and possibility of happening another accident was threatening us, especially they had heard of another execution in Mariwan during which many other revolutionists had received several bullet wounds, as if death squad had seized every activist by the collar.
   My parents were going to hide such a new crime in case I will be deeply affected by grief. Among the new executed was a well-known face Hussein Pirkhezrani whom I knew very well. Having had supper, I saw then that nine other innocent people had been condemned to death in Mariwan by Khalkhali the executioner. Hearing such a tragic piece of news, I burst into tears; it reminded me of Pirkhezran’s family and some other friends there. I had always held them dear. At this point, my mother said: “we were informed of such a case, but due to friendship ties you had with Pirkhezrani, we remained silence. We were not going to disturb you my son.”
   Hussein Pirkhezrani was a teacher who was teaching in villages; a symbol of crusade against corruption. Validity among people, loving of toilers, and devoted to the proletariat was some of his prominent features; his particularity had caused me to respect him a lot. I never forget the day he had passed an examination to enter the university and consulted me if he remained a teacher or he was supposed to gain higher education. “It’s impossible for me to break off relations with people and I believe that teaching serves greater effect to human societies and working class,” he pointed these remarks out simultaneously.
   Martial law had developed itself upon the city. Coming and going was specific to the Islamic Guardians moving dreaded. Sound of shooting was heard everywhere. However, nobody came to see me after the supper. In fact, coming out of home was jeopardizing. A perilous condition had prevailed over the city after the execution in the airport. Public protest in the whole areas of the city was going on until getting dark.
   Having consulted my parents, I decided to go to Tehran and have my injured hand be cured. My hand’s nerve had sustained an injury and it was calling an earnest medical treatment. As a consequence, I started on a journey to Tehran the next day. Having got there, I stayed at one of my family’s home who had spent most of his life in such a metropolis. He led me to go to a doctor anyhow; having observed my hand, he suggested me to call on an orthopedist. He had understood that I was from Sanandaj; furthermore, he showed his sympathetic feelings toward our locality, particularly the movement raising there. He asked me some questions about the new condition. He was eager to know more about Imam’s decree; Khomeini’s famous calling for attacking Kurdistan. He also asked about people’s reaction in the area and I explain whatever I felt was necessary either. Having examined essentially various observations, he introduced me to an orthopedic center in which was many different amenities specific to the injured. There, a system was ordered for me with which I could move my hand in any direction.
   The time I was in Tehran, I stayed on a house of a friend: Reza Weise, the martyr. He was an old friend who helped me as far as he could. Karim Nazari came to Reza at the same days. As physiotherapy was necessary for me to be cured, Karim helped me to have it for several times. One day, I went to Tehran University to see whatever I have heard of it at close.
   The circumstance of Tehran University and its vicinity seemed democratic. The regime could neither suppress political sphere nor prevail his ominous sovereignty. Each political force had its own seat and the sound of revolutionary anthem was heard everywhere, especially the bookshops. New left and right political forces had propounded their existence of which I have heard nothing; Forqan Group, and so on. Association for the Kurds Resident in the Center had allocated a place of their own as some other new forces had done so. Some photos of Kurdistan had ornamented both the bookshops and newsstands. In addition, some photos of Newrooz in 1979, and Lale Mohammad from Mariwan were seen among the photos. Playing by the side of bombs and cartridge cases of mortar-shell, Kurdish children were reflected on a prominent profile. Cassettes by Shivan Perwer from Kurdistan were heard too. There were also some books exhibited among which was seen Kurd’s History, Torkaman Sahra’s People struggling, and some other scientific philosophical Marxist texts. In every corner, many people had crowded in groups busy with talking on different issues. That circumstance recalled me our own arguments, in different districts, in Sanandaj, in which many people from everywhere were coming and taking part in such extraordinary debates.
   I started going to a square famous for its name Esfand Twenty Fourth Square. In front of a newsstand, I saw the photo of Foad Mostafasoltani, printed beside the main headline of Keihan Newspaper, according to which he had passed away. I felt quite enervated by such a shocking story. In order to see what the fact was, I sat by the side of the street nearby and began reading the story. Reading the news, I was crying simultaneously. I had never seen him at close, but I have heard a lot about his abilities in both forming and leading many guilds and organizations: Rural Guilds to confront with feudalists, taking part into a Panel for Delegating Kurdish People, leading the historical marching from Sanandaj to Mariwan, and also founding and leading the Kurdistan Toilers’ Revolutionary Organization known as Komala (i.e. the Populace). Here, I found this point out that Kurdish people had lost one of their greatest leaders; someone kind, responsible and prominent.
   After a few days, I was delivered the system I had been made for, by the orthopedic center, with which I could move my hand and returned back to Sanandaj. The time I found myself in the city I was grown in, I heard that the Islamic Republic had extorted money from the families whose children were executed, in the airport; if they had refused the blackmail, the corpses of their children had not been delivered to them. By committing such an abominable interaction, it had showed its savagery characteristic more and more.
   As compared with one or two weeks ago, the circumstance of the city had experienced remarkable alterations. There was some sporadic fighting every days and nights during which the regime’s agents were attacked. The leaders of such guerrilla warfare were the young revolutionists. By organizing communications networks and coordinating operations all over the districts, they could bring the regime at bay. Resisting and protesting against occupiers was increasing days after days. Such civil unrest was both kept on and spread from the beginning to late Aban.
   As the result of struggling by people in the fall of the same year, it was possible for political forces to come back to the cities and begin their activities once more. It is an unforgettable day in my life. Turning the signals of different cars and vehicles up, people expressed their happiness; the pishmargs from different political parties and organizations had come back and there was held a great celebration; blowing the horns was being heard everywhere. The circumstance had experienced a perceptible alteration; people whose children had lived far away, now they could embrace them easily. In fact, they welcomed the grand moments they were anticipating months ago. Later on, Kamal Ghotbi accompany with some other friends said to me that they were looking forward not to see me again. They had accepted the idea that I would be executed just as our friends experienced such a kind of dying.
   Such a major upheaval had brought a new condition about. However, political parties had not prevailed over the city yet. Some wicked ones were going to make use of such a gap; they were extorting money, commodity and other goods from people at the egresses and entrances of the cities. Such extortionists were detected and arrested by people finally and Komala provided a public court in which they were put on trial openly.
   In order to be guaranteed the security of the area, new strategies were provided of which I can name creating armed forces which was followed by establishing domiciles in every district; they covered every movement, particularly guarding, holding sessions, giving lectures and relieving operations. The forces needed for doing such measures were local people especially the young in each district. Paying particular attention to priority of necessities in every district was the most important duties such forces had to do. The political circumstances necessitated a condition in which drug addicts were made a golden opportunity to break their habits out.
   Struggling against local reactionaries was another action to be taken of which I can refer to is the disarmament of Spahe Rizgary (i.e. liberating corps). Moftizade’s agents had been isolated and people paid no attention to them anymore.  Unemployed Workmen Syndicates were established by proletarian activists. Establishing Women’s Organization was another action taken at that period. Of some other initiatives, I can refer to, are reconstructing the House of the Teachers and Students’ Communities. People’s protests, specifically market-men’s against presence of the Army of the Guardians on a place in the center of the city known as the Club-house of the Army of the Guardians, establishing District Communities and their main board known as the Representative Group of District Communities are some other initiatives at this incumbency.
   These and so many other attempts were to be performed as our responsibilities. As a result, both activists and revolutionists, who had a share in carrying such duties out at any above mentioned backgrounds, are anxiously waited to pay their particular attentions to narrate and describe whatever they saw or experienced. Accounting for, narrating or any other attempts such as writing and authoring both the events and analyzing the situation is necessary. To have such an important duty, anyone of us must express his or her attitudes. Explaining the howness and whatness of such significant or momentous events is the principle none of us could neglect it. Whoever goes back to such a period and represents whatever they are aware of, they enjoy their attempt whenever their outlook seemed impressionable.
   Owing to the fact that I was in contact with some of our anonymous friends in Kellane and our activities were allocate to the region in the suburbs of our city Sanandaj, we established a Proletarian Formation; Iraj Farzad was appointed as somebody in the charge of it. Activities among the proletariat became something basic. Having issued a notification, we both announced our new strategic approach and introduced our new organization known as Workman Outcry. The Gawelies, Habiballa, Meroof, Abbas, Jalal, Nabi Maktoobi, and the martyr Jalal Kelanai were some of the founders of such a proletarian formation.
   To put our strategies in practice, we rented a house in Abasabad district. We were coming and going there as occasion was arisen. Having got into contact with many workmen all over the area, we thought of broadening such an activity in some other cities and towns. In fact, we were going to found the Labor Unions in Kurdistan. According to our decision, we had to pick other ones’ experiences through contact with some other proletarian circles of which I can refer to Reza Moghadam who came to us accompany with another workman in the Oil Refinery. We met them at another home we had in Sharifabad. There, we spoke of proletarian activities and also strategic moves we had both practiced and considered them. Having discussed a detailed account of each other’s activities, they promised to introduce both our proletarian formation and its activities through their journals.
   During one of the 24 day-war in Sanandaj, I was going to the house we had in Abasabad in order to follow up our routine activities. Crossing this alley and passing that lane, I found myself on the Siroos Street. I was hit a bullet on the leg near the crossroad there. That day, I had put on a soldiering pair of boots. As far as I felt pain in my leg I walked few steps limpingly to find a safe place through the district in which the Jewish lived. The lane I went in was called the Jewish Lane. Since my boots were full of blood, I put them out. The bullet had not hit the anklebone fortunately.
   In the meantime, a patrol car specific to the Representative Group of District Communities was crossing that lane on a mission. Ardeshir Nasrolla Beigi was one of its passengers. The patrol car was stopped as soon as they saw me and took me to a hospital lane by lane. After shooting photographs and observing my leg, they were assured that it was a flesh wound; therefore, I was not threatened by such an occurrence. A few people helped me to come back to our home. At those days, I was treated medically by a group of revolutionary women caring injurers. I was dressing a wound most of the time; however, it got better as the last days of fighting were to be finished.
   In order to prevent another massacring by Islamic Republic, pishmargs and revolutionists decided to leave the city and continue their activities outside of it in the spring of 1980.
   During the time we were active in the suburbs of our city known as Chem Shar, our friends continued their activities; in accompany with them we had established the proletarian formation as it was mentioned before. Not only I had a look on the issues were being published in the Workman Outcry, our journals, but also I jot down a few ideas at each side of its margins. Its publication was faced with problems one time within its particular period of time; as a result, we had it published on waxen papers, in a small village known as Halwan, and brought it back to the city.

Talks to Families Experienced Such a Tragedy

Particularly important is a talk to the families whose children gave their lives up during such a tragic massacre. Among those who drank such bitter calamities were Ahsan and Shahryar Nahid; addressing their mother, Mrs Monir, there is a short note to the martyrs:
Dear mothers and fathers, your children were sacrificed in such a condition that astonished us by such an imaginable degree; having them put into jails, they were set against death squad or died because of their humanitarian motives. The cacophonous firing by the regime’s agents is still rattling our people’s ears. They committed such an incredible crime that our people have no way except seeking a remedy by which these reactionary fossils must meet a court to answer their merciless behaviors back.
   Our alert intelligent young would make an official complaint eventually to bring forward such documents and pictures with which the Islamic Republic of Iran must be run over by roaring of people. The historical garbage truck is the only vehicle they had to be thrown away with. It is the only way on which people can experience catastrophe no more.
   Neither those days nor these ones, in which the Islamic Republic has been getting  on  in years,  for  almost  twenty eight, I have never 
 accepted we have been put on trial. Imam’s decree was massacring. His decree is the best document with which it would be possible for people to disclose an important fact: attacking people from the very beginning of their domination. The Islamic Republic put fifty eight people to death within a week.
   I emphasize on the term massacre. This massacring was political and we were charged politically.
   Therefore, the blanket indictment must reflect such content. According to his Imam’s decree, a mullah had decided and wanted to defame Kurdish people. The people, who had made their decision to gain their deprived primary rights, had to do so as they wished, although they were repressed in the end. In such courts taken by the officials, the accused had no right to ask whom they were and what they were going to do in Kurdistan! Here, is my home; we are a nation too; especially important is the fact that we have the right to designate our autonomy; accordingly, if there is a gun, it is because of both defending us and protecting defenseless people in such a chaotic world. People, here, have been struggling for either existence or the rights they have been deprived of. It is impossible for the accused to explain why military expedition to such a land with such guns, cannons, armies, guardians, mobilizers, and the jashes; besides whatever the cause is, according to which I have to be rightless to carry a gun with which I can protect my people, is not clear. If I carry such equipment I am counter-revolutionist! What a bizarre world! You and your butcher knife have occupied our territory to kill any sign of democracy and freedom; you were going to put turbans around the girls and women’s bodies, and deprive them the right according to which they could wear freely; you also imprisoned them at their homes; you had them accept being half-men as long as their lifetime would lost; in a word, you came not to give us prosperity, but to suppress any colors and circumstances you did not like.
   It is not possible for the accused to express how long they might live somewhere other than their home; being away from their homes to earn a living has been making a habit among Kurdish people. Home life for the working men and women is just a dream. The accused should remain wordless and not to ask what you are doing here which is so far from your homeland. We, notwithstanding, are sinful and you are sinless! We are either imprisoned or put into death on one hand and are exiled as you wish on the other. What a bizarre world! The accused cannot say you killed many people in Pawa many years ago; they were just opposed to your presence in Kurdistan.
   It was you who ruined Sanandaj in spring of 1980 and called for more action not to stop further bloodshed. You put people in mourning instead of granting them happiness specific to Nowrooz celebration. Nobody has the right to announce you did whatever your agents presented to you. You even deceived them eventually, although they have paved the way for you to occupy Kurdistan. They played the most important part in the area, as your both secret and public agents, the time Moftizada announced he had the right of Kurdistan’s autonomy in his pockets. You are freeholders; absolute title is yours while we are oppressed by your authority. What a chaotic world! There was nobody to enforce you to take your real position: the dock in a law court. It was you who equipped themselves to raze the city to the ground and call for action to provide further bloodshed. The position I am standing on is not mine, rather it is yours and your ‘collaborators’. You committed a crime. I tried as far as I could to grant my people whatever they must have. There are not only these questions but also many others you have to answer the time you are passed the sentence on your crimes.
   Ahsan and Jamil could defend themselves and express that their organization and some other Kurdish left political forces guarded the laborers in some regions around Saqez, called Khorkhora, while you were defending private landlords. It was possible for Shahryar to say that he had come to Kurdistan to see his brother. Ata and his friends who had found themselves contradictory to Mohammad’s Pure Islam, could express that their aim had been reinforcing the oppressed’ movements against social inequalities. If Isa Pirwali were permitted to express something, doubtlessly he would have said: “are you going to buy me? Am I being asked to be treacherous to my people and trip them up? I had not committed such sins I’m scribed.” It was possible for Mozzafar to explain he had been accused of something he had never thought of. All of them could have their own defense attorneys. They could say their courts were not recognizable. They could have the words according to them they were protectors of their nations; they could tell that they were going to designate their autonomy as the others have theirs.
   In order to hold the executed dear, I bring up this proposal to Kurdish artists and sculptors to think about sculpting statues, images and sculptures of such dear ones who were executed by Islamic executioners; such forms must carry messages of peace and freedom. They must be replaced the old ones rapidly who are the sign of hopelessness and disappointments. Let us give no opportunity to people throughout the world to forget about such crimes. People tolerated such inequities to have a democratic condition in which they could get a fresh breath of air. What a chaotic world in which people are massacred because of having their own life!
   As the last and final words I must say, I am going to publish these memories in the form of a pamphlet.  

1. Amal is known as Lebanese Amal Movement. Imam Moosa Sadr went to Lebanon in 1974 and organized a movement known as Amal there; in fact, Amal is a branch of such a movement. The time they formed such a party, Sheikh Hassan Nasrolla, the then leader of Hezbollah, was a young man; he was thought to play such a role as we see nowadays. The time Moosa Sadr went to Libya in 1978, he was dropped from sight and an important condition was brought about; this is the key point he was called Imam, the absent. Nabi Beri became the replacement for his absent leader while he was not as mighty as Moosa Sadr on one hand, and did not establish any communication with Khomeini on the other hand. In spite of such a condition, Hezbollah was formed in 1982 and Sheikh Hassan Nasrolla was introduced as its leader. Subsequently, he announced the Islamic Republic there; however, due to the condition of that time, he suspended such an action.
2. Association for Defending Freedom and Revolution was founded by many activists known as Adherents of Line Three. In fact, the main founders of it underwent radical changes and formed Komala soon afterwards. Eioob Nabawi, Hussein Pirkhezrani, Jamil Mardokhi, Mozzafar Mohammadi, Naseh Mardokh, Sedigh Kamangar, Shoeib Zakaryai, and many other famous ones were the main characters of such an organization, as a left force, whose activities   consisted   of   both  defending   the  toilers’  rights   and  
confronting reactionary religious parties. During the time, this association was active in the city, people referred to them to solve their problems. Kurdistan Democratic Party-Iran and Organization of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerillas were not members for it rather they were active on their own.
3. The Black Garments was a title specific to the members of Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution putting black cloths garments on. They earned such an epithet as they appeared with such covers.
4. Zhawaro is an area in the south and south-west of Sanandaj whose people are busy with gardening; furthermore, most of them are seasonal workers.
5. Ashraf Rahimi was a close friend of mine. We had nodding and passing acquaintance with one another before the uprising in Iran in 1979. He joined Komala during the second popular movement. Being an outstanding face, he was selected as a political commander for a battalion. He was shot with a mortar-shell in a village around Bana known as Brnjan; consequently, he died in the early parts of 1986.
7. Kellane is a village in the suburbs of Sanandaj. It was part of an area in which revolutionary activities was being guided by Sa’ed Wetendoost, one of the leaders of Komala. His influence on people was so prominent that during a short time many workmen and toilers gathered around him and most of them were recruited as members of their organization of whom I can name the Gawelies.
8. Khomeini’s decree to attacking Kurdistan is his famous calling according to which Kurdistan had to be occupied as soon as possible. Such a rushed announcement was made addressing the regime’s organized military units and its agents, in the region, not to stop committing atrocities against civilians. He announced hastily:
Go to Sanadaj right away. Here is a decree for all the forces and military troops: I was informed that servicemen and their organs have been encircled in Sanandaj at once. There was added if they should not be assisted within half an hour, their guns are stolen. I was also informed that our women have been taken as hostages in Jamé Mosque by Kurdistan Democratic Party. There is an emphatic order to the forces according to it they must notify the garrisons to move to Sanandj to crack the rebels down. Wherever the Revolutionary Guardians are, they have to move, in an overacted way, by aerial equipment and suppress the rebels. Lateness, even though an hour, is being chased. I want people to be alert and take care to inform us if there was any committing disobeying. I am looking forward to hear from the forces gathering in a form of general mobilization.
That is all
Moosawi Khomeini 1979/08/19
Khalkhali the executioner was sent on a mission to Kurdistan to carry such a decree out. Many people were set against death squads, in almost all the cities, in Kurdistan.
9. Fakhra Rahmati was a pishmarg for Komala. He shot himself after having a sixteen hour hand-to-hand fighting against the Jash and the guards. He was attacked in a village known as Neware. This village is now famous for experiencing such a battle. His little brother, Aladdin, a thirteen-year old boy, was executed at the same day by the Islamic Republic forces. He was put in front of a tree and was shot about sixty bullets. Fakhra was composed many poems and proses; such epic works are well known nowadays and some of them are considered as national anthems.

Flash Point
Iranian photographer Jahangir Razmi, left, took 70 pictures of an execution in Kurdistan on Aug. 27, 1979. One picture (No. 20, below) won the Pulitzer Prize. It was, however, awarded to an unnamed photographer — the only anonymous recipient in the 90-year history of the award. Mr. Razmi preserved 27 of the photos on a contact sheet and stowed it away in his home. Below are those photos — made public for the first time. (See related article)





























Name Index

 Abdolali, Haji, 82
Amaneti, Ferhad, (Selah) (D. 1985), 80
Babahajyan, Khaled (D. 1982), 75
Baban, Abdullah, 77
Bahrami, Mansoor Alaghemand, 127
Banisadr, Abbolhasan (1933-): president of the time, 58
Bekas, Takesh (D. 1986), 100
Biglari, Habibolla, 113, 114, 119
Bloorian, Ghani (1925-2010): a prominent figure and one of the founders of Democratic Party of Kurdistan-Iran, 38
Chalac, Refiq: famous playwright, lyricist and lyrist, 107
Crassus, Marcus Licinius (115?-53 BC): Roman politician, 30
Daneshyan, Keramatolla (1946-1973), 108
Dao, Tran Hung (1229-1300): Vietnamese military strategist who defeated two Mongol invasions, 30
Daqhiqh, 120
Dorian, Petrous: Armenian poet, 42
Engels, Fredrick (1820-1895), 19, 21-22
Farzad, Iraj, 134
Farzad, Keihan, 77
Foolladi, Yadullah (D. 1979), 107, 122
Frost, Robert (1874-1963): American poet, 42 
Gadani, Jalil, 38
Ganci, Newrooz (D. 1980), 75, 101
Ghotbi, Kamal, 132
Golchini, Ali (Selahe Rash) (D. 1980), 78
Golchini, Yedolla, 78
Golparwar, Najmadin, 107
Goran, Abdulla Soleman (1904-1962): the father of modern Kurdish poetry and the composer of Bloody Flower and Blond Hair and Pale Lip, 108
Guevara, Ernesto Che (1928-1967): Latin American guerrilla leader and revolutionary theorist, 29-30
Hafiz, Khwajah Shams al-Din Muhammad Ibn-e Muhammad (1325-1389): Persian poet, 42
Hashtroodi, Ayatollah: an important agent for the Islamic Republic of Iran, 102, 103, 104, 111, 112, 119
Himen (Mohammad Amin Shekholislami Mokri) (1921-1986): Kurdish classical poet and writer, 27, 38
Hooshiaryan, Abdullah, 80
Hoseinzade, Dr., 67
Husseini, Sheikh Ezadin (1922-2010): national leader and spokesman of few political organizations, 35
John the Baptist, Saint (born 1st century BC): a Nazarite from birth, he went into the country around Jordan River, at about 30, preaching penance to prepare for the imminent coming of the Messiah, 32-33
Kamangar, Sedigh (D. 1984), 91, 142
Khalkhali, the executioner (1927-2004): the Islamic Republic government official, his show trials, 26, 57, 100, 110, 112, 114, 116, 128, 144
Khatooni, Yahia, 95
Khomeini, Ayatollah Sayyid Ruholla al-Musavi (1900-1989): religious leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran 1979-1989, his famous calling for attacking Kurdistan Known as his decree, 50 57, 73, 77, 78, 81, 90, 129, 141, 144
Malaksha, Jalal (1950-): well-known epical poet, 42, 52-54
Mamad, Shater, 114, 115, 116
Manoocheri, Syrous (D. 1979), 122
Mardan, Ali (1904-1981): famous vocalist, 107
Mardokh, Naseh (D. 1988), 91, 142
Mardokhi, Jamil, 91, 142
Marx, Karl (1918-1883), 16-17, 19, 21-22
Mobaseri, Asghar (D. 1979), 106, 109, 117
Moftizada, Mullah Ahmad (1933-1993): religious political figure and first direct agent of the Islamic Republic of Iran, 23, 32, 33, 139
Moghadam, Reza, 135
Mohammad, Lale, 130
Mohammadi, Mozzafar, 91, 142
Mostafasoltani, Foad (1948-1979): a scholar of great renown formed and led Rural Guilds and Toilers’ Revolutionary Organization known as Komala, 30, 34, 35, 13; led the historical marching from Sanandaj to Mariwan, 28-31; member of a Panel for Delegating Kurdish People, 131; Kurdistan’s Guevara, 29; modern Spartacus, 30
Nabawi, Eioob (1948-1984), 91, 142
Nahid, Ahsan (D. 1979), 61, 62-72, 73, 86, 87, 88, 93, 103, 110, 116, 117, 118, 119, 137, 140
Nahid, Monir, 137-140
Nahid, Shahryar (D. 1979), 62, 66, 72, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 105, 110, 117, 118, 137, 140
Nasrolla Beigi, Ardeshir, 135
Nazari, Karim, 130
Nazeri, Wria, 78
Nazim Hikmet (1902-1963): Turkish poet, 42
Nyazmandi, General Khosro (D.1979), 122
Partway, Sasan, 106, 109, 111, 119
Perwer, Shivan (1955-): famous for his national anthems, 130
Pirkhezrani, Hussein (1950-1979): a symbol of crusade against corruption, 128, 142
Pirwali, dervish Isa (D. 1979), 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 140
Qanè, Mohammad (1898-1965), 108
Qasemloo, Abdulrahman (1930-1989): left activist and general secretary of the Democratic Party of Kurdistan-Iran (1971-1989), 35, 36, 38
Qezllwllakh, Yedolla khan, 75
Qoreishi, Faride, 35
Rahimi, Ashraf Malakshan (1960-1986), 65, 111, 143
Rahimi, Hasan, 81
Rahimi, Mozzafar (D. 1979), 110, 117
Rahmati, Aladdin (1968-1981), 27, 145
Rahmati, Fakhra (1954-1981), 89, 90, 145
Rashid, Sayyid, 95
Razmi, Jahangir (1947-), the photographer of the execution in Sananadaj, 58-59, 146-56
Rohalahi, Teiub (D. 1983), 75
Sa’di, Sheikh Muslihud-din Khan (1207-1291): Persian poet, 42
Safdari, mullah, 74
Sana, 49-51
Sartre, Jean-Paul (1905-1980): French philosopher and dramatist novelist, 57
Selimi, Naser (D. 1979), 106, 110, 114, 118
Sha’bani, Hamid, 75, 76
Shadimoghadam, Behrooz, 79
Sharafkandi, Sadiq (1938-1992): left activist and general secretary of the Democratic Party of Kurdistan-Iran (1989-1992), 36, 38
Shokrolla, 89
Sobatian, Ali, 79
Spartacus (D. 71 BC), Roman slave and gladiator led the great historic insurrection of the slaves, 30-31
Suleimani, Behrooz: leaders of the Organization of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerrillas in Kurdistan, 35
Talleqani, Ayatollah Seid Mahmoud (1911-1979): direct Islamic Republic representative in Kurdistan, 35
Tewfiq, Tahir (1922-1987): famous classical vocalist, 107
Wahdani, Mohammad Hussein, 119, 122
Wahdani, Yadullah, 120
Weise, Reza, 130
Wetendoost, Sa’ed, 77, 143
Yara, Abdolla, 94
Yaxchali, Jamil (D. 1979), 66, 96, 99, 105, 110, 117
Zakaryai, Shoeib, 91, 142
Zandi, Attaolla (D. 1979): an activist pioneer and a member for Revolutionary Committee of Democratic Party, 106, 109, 117
Zedong, Mao (1893-1976): foremost Chinese Communist leader, 29-31 

Subject Index

 alienation, 16
anti-feudal movement, 95
armed conflict, 12, 37
armed forces, 35, 133
armed struggle, 12, 37
Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution, 34, 60, 98, 133, 143
Association for Defending Freedom and Revolution, 60, 74, 90, 142; its Komalaie members 74,
Association for the Kurds Resident in the Center, 130
autonomy, 13, 33, 56, 138, 140
base and superstructure, 19, 141
Ba’th regime, 48
capitalistic society, 16
catch all party, 23
chemical bombarding, 48
Chinese Communist Party, 29; its great marching led by Mao, 29
circumstance, 13, 16, 21, 28, 40, 76, 132, 139
city community of sanandaj 74,
civil defense, 15
civil disruption, 37-39
civil wars, 31, 37, 38, 39,
class antagonism, 15
class attitude and consciousness, 16
class attitude, 16
class conflict, 19 
class consciousness, 16
class distinction, 15, 17, 19
class interval, 16
class oppression, 14, 24
class struggle, 15, 19
Collective Unity, 73
Combatant Compatriots, 73
Communist Party of Iran: see also Toiler’s Revolutionary Organization
communists, 21-22
compulsion, 15-16
conscious practice, 17
democratic climate, 31
democratic participation, 31
determinism, 40
developing nations, 14
distribution of wealth, 40
District Communities, 28, 35, 133
economic inequality, 19, 40, 43
egalitarianism, 22
Equalitarian Society, 95
execution, 26-7
exploitation of man, 40
exploitation, 18, 20, 22, 40
exploiter, 30
factional strife, 37
feudal, 38
feudalism, 14, 75; and its relics 14
feudalist, 79, 95, 131
firing squads, 22
Forqan Group, 130
fortune, 18
free will, 40
geographical fatalism, 15
geographical position, 11, 13
government, 18, 19-20, 22, 40, 47, 55, 100; and plundering national assets 20, 25, 26, 32, 33, 36, 71
guerrilla warfare, 36, 70, 131
high class, 17, 18, their doctrine, 18
historical approach, 13, 19
historical backgrounds, 11, 13-15
historical marching from Sanandaj to Mariwan, 28-31
House of Detention, 105, 110, 112, 117
human laws, 70
human rights, 109
imperial system, 22
imperialistic government, 47
industrial nations, 14
inequality, 15
international laws, 109
investigative, 110
Iraqi Kurdistan Patriot Union, 95
Islamic Republic of Iran: its government, 22; its bloody appearance as God’s nuncio, 23, 26; attack to Kurdistan, 25, 36; its bureaucratic control, 26; attempts to compel its military expedition to Kurdistan, 28
Islamizing people and baptizing them in Sanandaj, 32-33
Jash, 33, 57, 96, 145
Keihan Newspaper, 131, 144
Kermanshah’s prison, 113
Kurdish people, 14, 25, 48, 50, 56, 57, 100, 109, 112, 131, 138, 139; and their Resistance Movement, 57-8; and Kurdish People’s Representative Corps, 25
Kurdistan Democratic Party-Iran: its conservative platform, 38; its social democracy viewpoint 38; engaging into a civil war see also civil wars; divisions in 38; negotiation with Iran’s officials 38; prominent figures 38; subjecting to schism see also schism
labor division, 18
Labor Unions, 134
Lebanese Amal Movement, 60, 142
lefts: confrontation with problematic situational contexts, 15; their strategic approaches, 16; their identity, 21-22; battle against state of apparatuses of the despotic regime, 15; in front of a historical movement, 15; the part they played in the revolution of 1979, 22
liberation movement, 11, 37, 56
Line Three, 74, 75, 142
local self-government, 20
low class, 14, 15, 17, 18; the toilers, 18
majority, 14, 18, 20
martial law, 129
massacre, 22, 36, 57, 109, 137, 138, 141
means of production, 17
minor oppressor, 22
minority, 18, 20
modern capitalism, 14
modern societies, 19, 75
modernistic viewpoint, 19
modernization, 14
monopolization, 18
national bourgeoisie, 20
national egoism, 38
national liberation, 38
national mission, 39
national movement, 15
national oppression, 14
national prestige, 20
Newroz of 1979, New Year’s Day in Iran, called Gory New Year, 26, 57
occupied countries, 20
occupying countries, 20
oppression, 40
oppressor and oppressed, 19
option, 16, 17-18, 40, 96
Organization of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerrillas, 35, 95, 96
Peikar Organization, 31
plunder, 11, 13, 20, 32
political assassination, 36, 38
political circumstance, 11, 35, 133
political forces, 15, 22, 23, 24, 25, 31, 37, 69, 130, 132, 140
political independence, 13
popular sovereignty, 74
poverty, 18, 20, 57
private landlords, 140
private property, 19
proletarian activist, 133
proletarian formation 134, 135, 136; its journal, 136
proletarian ideology, 39
proletariat, 22, 134
public assistance, 11
public patronage, 15
reactionaries, 133,
Registered into History, 47, 48
Representative Board of District Communities, 28, 35
Resistance Movements, 23; its phases, 12, 24; its nature and identity, 23-24; the interval between them, 25-36; similarities between them, 24-39; integration between them, 40
responsible citizenry, 15
revolution of 1979, 22, 73
Revolutionary Committee of Democratic Party, 106
revolutionary movement, 15, 21, 22
revolutionary reconstitution of society, 19
revolutionists, 10, 91, 128, 133, 136
royal family, 11
Rural Guilds, 30, 34, 79, 95, 131
Sanandaj garrison, 60, 87
Sanandaj: its airport 50, 93, 104; its Jamé Mosque, 32, 76, 144; sporadic fighting in, 131; and the 24 day armed fighting during which 400 townspeople were killed, 26
schism, 38, 39, 96
separatism, 56, 96
show trials, 27, 100, 109
social action, 17
social and political order of things, 21
social fission, 18
social inequality, 14, 16, 19, 40, 43
social justice, 15
social movement, 47
social origin and orientation, 18
social production, 17
social relations, 16, 17
social status, 17
social stratification, 14
socialistic approach, 39
societal forces, 18
socioeconomic and political factors, 21
socioeconomic condition, 13, 14, 21-22
socioeconomic structure, 19, 24
sociopolitical circumstances, 12
Spahe Rizgary, 133
state, 18, 22
subalternate groups, 37
suicide, 37, 39
surplus value, 19
territorial integrity, 56
the Organization of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerrillas, 35, 64, 72, 95-6, 143
thirty days sit-in, 34
Toiler’s Revolutionary Organization known as Komala, 30, 31, 37, 38, 39, 73, 74, 75, 77, 80, 81, 131, 132, 142; its first presence as Democratic Associations 75; its combatant compatriots, 73; providing a public court for extortionists 132; its adherents, 74, see also Collective Unity and Line Three; engaging in an armed struggle with Democratic Party see also civil wars; establishment of Communist Party of Iran, 38;
Torkaman Sahra, 91, 130
tragic massacre, 137
Unemployed Workmen Syndicates, 133
upper class, 20
urban development, 14
urban growth, 14
Vietnam, 30, 47
Workman Outcry, 134


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